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— T-^ 





• • 










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• •* 







-Ct^i^ ' • ' / 

Entertd, accordlnn^ to Act of Congress, in the jear 1863, bj 

In the ClerVs ^ce of the District Conrt of the District of Massachnsetts. 



Thb town of Hadley is one of tho oldest in the Gonneoticat 
valley. . DifiTercnces of opinion in relation to disdpline» bapti8m» 
and the qualifications for church membership, had so rent the 
churches of Hartford and Wethersfidd, that Got. John Webster. 
Elder WUliam Goodwin, and Bev. Johp Russell, with their friends, 
at length decided to seek a new home at a higher point on the liyer. 

To brave the journey of fifty mfles through the wilderness and to 
lay again the foundations of a new town, was of course no small 
undertaking, yet ihe peace of the Colony requiring it, such was their 
resolve. Accordingly, on the I8th of April, 1659, the company to 
the number of sixty, met at the house of Nathaniel Ward in Hart- 
ford, and signed an agreement for their regulation and government, 
pledging tbemselTes to remoTc to the ** plantation purchased on the 
east side of the river of Conecticut, beside Northampton,'* as early 
as the 29th of September of the following year. For various 
reasons, twenty of the original signers fdled to fulfil their engage* 
aients, yet their places were supplied by others, the town was 

settled, and has ever since condnued to prosper. 


To trace the history of this enterprise, from its inception to the 
present time — ^to relate the toils, privations and dangers which beset 
the path of our ancestors— to describe their mode of life — ^to tell 
what they did for the cause of learning and religion — and to give 
some account of their families, is the object of the present woriu 
In carrying out this purpose, no available source of information has 
been overlooked. 

Induced by no expectation of pecuniary reward, but stimulateid 
by an ardent love for historical research and a desire to preserve 
from destruction the crumbling materials of a long and interesting ' 
history, at the pressing solicitation of Major Sylvester Smith, 
Sylvester Judd, Esq. commenced the publication of this woriu 
To it he devoted every moment which health would allow, and 
continued his labors until removed by death. 



With not a little relnctance, at the earnest desire of his famOy, 
shortly after Mr, Judd*8 decease, did I consent to complete the 
work commenced by one, who has well been styled, " the distin« 
guished antiquary of Northampton.'* To this task, amid a pressure 
of other duties, have I doToted my leisure moments ; and having 
brought together the scattered fragments of family history left by 
Mr. Jadd, and added to the same from my own collections, I am able 
at length to lay before the public, the result of my labors, having 
pursued the work with interest heightened by being able to trace my 
own descent from no le^ than five of those noble men, who more 
than two hundred years agp, in prayer and faith, laid such goodly 
foundations in this garden of New England. 


Amhbbst, March, 1863. 

KOTK. PvnoM ^MOTf ring «rron ia Uili TohuM^ or able to give additional infonnatlon, 
oa wokj point, are rttpoctAiIly req[acftad to commnnJrato tlM Mino to K IL DOLTWOOn. 


Yet ^sa 
in kit ■dad, sad for 
vstn twdxe, 
fittle eoootry to«^ vitk 

eompanioiislnp. and wiA m as&stxacse ia Us itaSa. nf« a Etde aid 
rereired from tke Rer. Mr. Hale fbr aboat sx weeks «a^. aad aader all 
lrix>draiices from bosaess W bad toearoaatcT, llr. Jadd 
Ungual^ so far as to read Tir|n] : learaed eaoa^ «f Greek ta 
New Testament in tbe ori^^n^ ; acquired a 
as a written language, and gained some arqnaiatanee el* Spaaisk. He weat 
throngb a frill course of the kigber Slatbematics, pcaeteated deeplj iata Histofj 
and Political Economj, and made bimself qnita extenar^ acqaaiated widi 
general literature. Daring tbis time, be exerdsed bimself abo ia Compositioa, 
and contributed some articles to tbe Hampsbire Gazette. 

Soon after attaining tbe age of twentj-one, be formed a iMitnersbip ia aier^ 
cantile bnsiness with Wm. Hooker, Jr. and H. T. Hooker, whose placet of 
bosiness were Norwich, Northampton, and Westhampton, Mr. Jndd remaining 
at tbe latter place. In Janoary, 1311 , be married Appbia Hall, eldest dangbter 
of Aaron Hall of Norwich. In 1813, the abore partnership was dissolved, and 
Mr. Jadd carried on-tbe business of tbe store in which he bad been emplojed, 



bj himself, and also engaged, to some extent, in farming operations. But his 
mind being alwajs more bent upon the acquisition of knowledge than the 
accumulation of propertj, the matter of dealing with dollars and cents was 
irksome to him, and from a yarietj of causes, his pecuniary gains were small, 
and an his business operations proved v&rj discouraging. The jear 1816, he 
deToted mostly to the gratuitous superintendence of building a new meeting- 
house in Westhampton. • In 1817, he was chosen representative to the General 
Court, which he attended, contrary to his inclination, as he had a great distaste 

for public office. 


In March, Id^S, ^Ir. Judd purchased the Hampshire Gazette, one-fourth of 

which had been owned bj his deceased brother, Hophid Judd, Esq., and was 

then in the hands of his father. He took up his residence in Northampton, in 

April of this year. All his energies were now concentrated upon making the 

Gazette, not only an interesting, but an instructive, paper. It was far from his 

idea of a newspaper, that it should be filled with stories, anecdotes, and other 

matter, fitted only to amuse for the passing moment. He regarded it as an 

educator of the people, and occupied its columns with matter calculated to 

enlarge the boundaries of knowledge, and promote aspirations for further infor- 

mation concerning men and things. To enable him to do this, he expended 

money largely, in proportion to his means, in the purchase of books, from which 

be could furnish abstracts and extracts. The whole of the ponderous £din- 

borough Encyclopaedia, together with numerous books of Travel, History, 

Agricultural works, etc, were thus added to 'his library. His attention now 

began to turn to the early history of the Connecticut Valley, and he occasionally 

published leading articles upon Northampton, Hadley, and the neighboring 

towns. He early enlisted the paper in behalf of Temperance, and, it is believed, 

wu the first who excluded liquor advertisements. The Gazette was highly 

esteemed by exchange papers, and doubled its number of subscribers, in his 

hands. Although, in the main, he had embraced Whig prindples, yet, he had 

nothing of the partisan in his nature, and his mind was ever open to the influx 

of what he believed to be truth, coming from what quarter it might. In the 

party strife attending the administration of Gen. Jackson as President, he found 

himself, as editor of whst had been a Whig paper, in a position so embarassing 

as to result in his selling the Gazette in l&M, In. reference to the subject, he 

wrote at the time : ** The truth is, I have become too skeptical in politics to be 

the conductor of a public press. I have but little confidence in politics, parties, 

and politicians. I dislike high whiggisro and high Jacksonism, and cannot go 

with either.** 

On laying aside his engagements as editor and proprietor of the Hampshire 
Gazette, Mr. Judd felt no inclination for entering into any new active business 
that offered, although his pecuniary resources were very limited. He therefore 
made up his mind to live on. in a humble way, upon such means as he had, thus 
leaving himself free for such mental occupations as he might be drawn to. At 
the age of seventeen, he had commenced filling manuscript volumes with copious 
abstracts of Chronology, Biography, History, etc., with occasional entries by 
way of Private Journal, which had been kept up, with more or less continuity 
until this tim& He now gave himself largely to Miscellaneous Collections, to a 
minute Diary, and to Genealogical, Historical, and Antiquarian Researches, 
particularly with reference to the towns of Hampshire County, but extending 


also to the whole State of Massachusetts, and that of ConnecUcat. As the firnit 
of these labors, he has left aboot twenty manuscript Yolomes, entitled *' Miscel- 
lanies,** filled with an immense variety of little known, but cnrions matters* 
drawn from divers times and divers peoples, and gleaned from a -wide range of 
miscellaneous reading. Here are found copious notices of our Indian tribes, 
vocabularies of their langtiages, and facts touching their domestic life ; the 
varied experiences of the earlj settlers of this country ; English and Scotch 
social life and manners, dress, furniture, etc; prices of labor and merchandise, 
at different periods ; religious dogmas, contentions, modes of worship, showing, 
among other things, the great strife that aroto in New England, at one 
time, respecting the use of books of psalms and hymns, instead of getting 
the words for singing by a process known as "deaconing;** .the history* 
of woman in regard to social position, education, etc.: opinions concerning 
marriage, divorce, and the relations of man to woman generally; snatches 
of old song and quaint poetry, as well as the higher inspirations of the poet. 
The above citations furnish but a mere hiui, as to the multifiirions and rare 
matter contained in these volumes. In his Diary of eight or ten volumes* 
which was continued with regularity from 1833 to within a week of his death,* 
besides much that serves as auto-biography, and an exponent of his feelings, 
principles, and opinions, he recorded, with scrupulous regard to exactness, the * 
tri-daily state of the thermometer ; the changes of wind and weather ; thediffer- 
ent stages of vegetation ; the appearance and disappearance of birds, frogs, and 
different kinds of insects, their habits, and so forth. There are volumes of 
Collections labeled ** Massachusetts** and *' Connecticut.** As a genealogist, 
it is stated by one well qualified to judge, that he ** knew of no one who was 
his equal in New England.** His labors in manuscript collections, amount to 
not far from seventy-five, closely filled, vdlomes. 

In the years 1842 and 1843, Mr. Judd was employed, for some months, by 
the State of Connecticut, in putting in a state of preservation, arranging, and 
indexing, old and valuable State documents. He was made an Honorary 
Member of the Connecticut and Massachusetts Historical Societies, and of the 
American Antiquarian Society. In 1856, he published a pamphlet, entitled, 
** Thomas Judd and his Descendant!," 

From the early part of his residence in Northampton, Mr. Judd had enter- 
tained the idea of writing a History of Northampton and the neighboring towns. 
But, from various causes, this was deferred, from year to year, until 1857, when, 
at the earnest' solicitations of persons interested in the subject, particularly 
Mi\j. Sylvester Smith of Hadley, he commenced the present Histoiy, with a list 
'of five hundred subscribers. But, his- physical strength had now become 
impaired, so that he was subject to many interruptions from ill health, and this, 
added to his extreme caution in endeavoring to verify all bis statements, caused 
the work to progress very slowly. Tet he labored on, wit^ an a»«iduity ill 
proportioned to his strength, and thus cut short his days before his proposed 
task was done. Paralysis seized upon a system, enfeebled by general debility, 
and accomplished its fatal work in a few days. The 18th of April, I8G0, wit. 
nessed his departure. He had lived within a few days of seventy-one years, and 
his nund had retuned lid vigor while hit bodily powers were enfeebled. He 
left a wife and five children. Three had ahready gone before, among whom was 
the Rev. Sylvester Jodd, the antbor of " Margaret'* and some ether wimIb. 

vr • \>^. A 


He had printed about 430 pages of the 600 promised, and, it is beliered 
bad little more to add to the work, except the Genealogical Tables, for which ht 
had extensive materials in mauascript. Uis last conscious efforts of a bnnness 
kind, were expended in trying to send some directions to bis printers. Immedi- 
ately after bis death, application was made to Hon. Lucius M.. Boltwood 
of Amherst, for whose qualifications as a genealogist, it was known Mr. Jadd 
had a high respect, to take in charge the finishing of the work, "to snddenlj 
bereft of the band that should have carried it to its completion, |wd, mnch to the 
gratification of the family of the author, this request was complied with. It it 
jrcgretted that so long time has elapsed in getting the book ready for presenta- 
tion, but the delays seem to have been unavoidable. With all due ^nfidenea 
in biro who so kindly consented to take the incomplete work in hand, Mr. Judd*s 
own family cannot -but experience some pain in giving tlie work to the pubfiet 
without its final supervi^on by the'anthor's own, careful hand. 

Did space allow, it would be pleasant to delineate, in full, the personal char> 
meter of Mr. Judd ; but a brief summary of salient traits is all that can be 
attempted And first, it is obvious to remark, that he was eminently a seJ^ 
made man, having relied very little upon others for his knowledge or opinions. 
He was also a progressive man, never wedded to the old, because it had been 
established by authority in some former period, but ever ready to believe that 
the whoit of truth might not yet have been found out, and not frightened lest 
new discoveries should conflict with received opinions. In this spirit, the efforts 
at reform in education and morals met with cordial sympathy from him. While 
religion, consisting of duties to God and man, was always a cardinal element of 
his being, he was no dogmatist, and willingly accorded to all the right of private 
judgment. A strong sense of justice and truth pervaded • his whole nature, and 
led him often to err on the side of right, rather than run any hazard on the side 
of wrong. In business transactions, he was so lenient to creditors as to lose 
much tliat was justly his due, and in bargains of buying and selling, he waa 
qatte as careful of the interests of others as of his own. He could hardly be 
said to have a proper estimate o>f money, even for its uses,, and not unUl com- 
pelled by necessity did he reckon closely his expenditures. For. the present 
History, in collecting materials for which so large a portion of his life was 
expended, he did not expect to receive, and his family will not realise, aigr 
return, save the money actually expended in paper, printing and binding. In 
answer to hundreds of letters, asking for information, which he spent jears in 
acquiring, compensation was seldom demanded, and not efiei| offered. His 
memory was exact and strong, and his mental powers of appUeation seemed 
hardly to know a limit. His original physical constitution must have been 
strong, to bear such a life-long draft upon it as was made by his habits of study. 
His eye^ght continued unimpaired, long beyond the usual period. H^ was 
cheerful in temperament, and remarkably genial in social intercourse, being a 
eherisiied compahion for the young, as well as for the more advanced. Although 
little demonstrative in the inner feelings of the heart, his affections were deep 
and tender as those of woman, and the ties existing between him and his fiunily 
were too strong for death to sever. 

• A. H. 



£arly settlements oh Comiecticat BiTer — ControTersies in the ehnrch at Hart- 
ford — Decision of the conndl of 1659— Difficulties at Wethersfield. 

The first English settlement in New England was made at 
Plymouth in 1620. This was the beginning of the Plymouth 
Colony, w^ch was united to Massachusetts in 1692. The 
oldest town in the colony of Massachusetts is Salem, which 
was planted in 1628. Charlestown was begun in 1629, and 
the foundations of Boston, Dorchester, Roxbury and Water- 
town were laid in 1630, and a beginning was made at Cam- 
bridge in 1631. In a few years, many towns were planted in 

Previous to the settlement at Pljonouth, some Dutch 
traders visited Hudson's River and Long Island Sound, and 
in 1614, they built a small fort on the island of Manhattan, 
now New York, and in the next year, began a settlement near 
Albany. These Dutch adventurers discovered Connecticut 
River, which they named Fresh River, ^nd in 1614, Adrian 
Block sailed up the river as far as Windsor. A commercial 
intercourse began between the Dutch and the Pljonouth 
colonists in 1627. The Dutch gave the Plymouth people 
intimations respecting the fertile lands upon Connecticut 

The Indians on Connecticut River were harassed and terri- 
fied by the more powerful Pequots; and some of their 
sachems and others who had been driven out, made a journey 
to Pl3miouth and Boston in 1631, and urgently solicited the 
English to form a settlement on the river, but the English 
governors declined the invitation. The Pl}rmouth colonists, 
whose vessels had visited the river, determined in 1633 to 
build a trading house there. They were anticipated by the 
Dutch, who, in 1633, built a light fort near the mouth of 



Little River in Hartford, having purcliased some land of the 
conquering Pequots in June of that year. They intended to 
exclude the English from the Connecticut. But in October, 
1633, William Holmes of Plymouth, ascended the river, with 
the materials for a house on board his vessel, and disregarding 
the menaces of the Dutch, he passed by their fort, and erected 
a trading house a little below the mouth of Windsor Biver, on 
a meadow that still bears the name of Plymouth Meadow. 
Holmes carried to the Connecticut some of the sachems, 
whom the Pequots had driven out. 

In September, 1633, John Oldham and three others went 
overland to Connecticut River, to trade. These were doubt- 
less the first Europeans, that passed by land from the sea- 
coast of Massachusetts, to Connecticut River. In November, 
1633, Samuel Hall and two others travelled through the 
woods to the river, and returned in January. In 1634, men 
were sent from ** the towns in the Bay," to examine the 
country on the river. Those who took a view of the borders 
of the Connecticut, foimd fine lands and good situations for 
plantations, and their accounts of the fertility tf the soil, 
were spread among the people ; and many of the planters in 
the towns around Boston, and some new-comers, resolved to 
taike p ossession of these desirable places. In 1635, some of 
the Watertown people began a plantation at Wethersfield ; 
those from Cambridge (then called Newtown) settled at Hart- 
ford, and those froili Dorchester at Windsor. In October, 
about 60 men, women and children from Dorchester, with 
their horses, cattle and swine, were 14 days in removing 
through the wilderness to Windsor. The ensuing winter was 
unusually severe, and the privations and sufferings of the 
inhabitants %vere extreme. The country about Springfield 
was examined in 1636, but William Pynchon and his 
gmall company from. Roxbury did not establish themselves 
there until May, 1636. In June, 1636, Mr. Hooker, Mr. Stone 
and about 100 men, women and children, with 160 cattle, 
traversed the forests from Cambridge to Hartford. They left 
Cambridge on the last day of May. 

The war with the Pequots occurred in 1637, and resulted 
in the destruction of many of that tribe, and in the subjection 
of the rest. 

The inhabitants of the new towns soon recovered from the 
distresses attending their first settlement, and from the effects 
of the Indian war, and many years of prosperity and happiness 
succeeded. They were industrious and frugal and their lands 
were productive. As early as December, 1644, the General 
Court were endeavoring to find a market for their surplus 


produce. Thejr say, " Massachusetts and Pl)nmouth complain 
of our overfilling their markets." They built good houses 
and bams, made additions to their furniture and implements, 
and multiplied their conveniences and enjoyments. 

The first emigrants to Connecticut River, knowing that 
their productions must be sent to market by the ^ver, and 
their supplies be received from abroad through the same 
channel, selected places where the river was navigable. Even 
Mr. Pynchon and his associates did not plant themselves above 
boat-navigation. But the great Falls above Springfield, now 
at South Hadley, were an obstacle sufficient to prevent any 
settlement north of them for many years. At length, in May, 
1653, seventeen years after Springfield was begun, a number 
of men residing at Windsor, Hartford and other places, peti- 
tioned the General Court to grant them a plantation at 
Nonotuck, above Springfield; and their petition was aided 
by three of the principal men in Springfield, who were very 
desirous of having neighbors in the colony to which they 
belonged. The General Court in the same month appointed 
three men of Springfield, John Pynchon, Elizur Holyoke and 
Samuel Chapin, to divide the land into two plantations, and 
the petitioners were to have one of them. In 1654, the 
Committee reported to the General Court, that they had laid 
out the bounds of one plantation, on the west side of the 
river, extending <*from the little meadow called Capawonk 
or Mattaomet, down to the head of the falls ;*' reserving the 
lands on the east side of the river for another plantation. 
The Indian title was purchased by John Pynchon for tiie 
planters, Sept. 24, 1653. The settlement of Northampton 
began in 1654. The planters purchased Capawonk meadow 
(now in Hatfield) of the Indian owner in 1657, 'this tract not 
being included in the purchase made in 1653. Hadley, the 
second plantation in the valley of Nonotuck or Norwotuck, 
was conmienced in 1659, five years later than Northamp- 

Differences in the churches at Hartford and Wethersfield 
were the principal cause of the settlement of Hadley in 1659 ; 
but if these disputes had not occurred, such desirable tracts of 
interval would not long have remained without cultivators. 

'Hubbard says the differences in the ohnrchcs in the yean 1656, 1657 and 
1668, " endcHl in the removal of one part of the churches and towns of Uartfofd, 
Wetliersiield and Windsor to another plantation or two up liigher, upon Connec- 
ticut river, t!io one of which was called Hadley, and the other Nortliainpton." 
These jMirtial errors of Hubbard are copied by Holmes, who fixes the settlement 
<if both towns in 1658, whicli is not correct in reheard to cither. Religious differ- 
ences bad no concern in the first planting of Northampton. 


The church at Ebrtford was one of the largest and moat 
eminent in New England, and the two ministers, Mr. Thomas 
Hooker and Mr. Samuel Stone, though unlike in some respects, 
were both great and good men, whose praise was in all the 
churches. Mr. Hooker was firm and decided, yet prudent and 
conciliatory, and there was no serious trouble or discord in 
the church while he lived. In a few years after his death, 
which happened Jul^ 7, 1647, a contention arose, having 
Mr. Stone and a majorify of the church on one side, and a 
strong minority on the other. Several on each side, were 
men of distinction in the town and colony. The origin of the 
difficulty has not been clearly stated by any writer. Hubbard 
alludes to difierent opinions concerning the extension of the 
privileges of those not church-members ; and says, '< the first 
appearance of disturbance which on that account happened 
amonff them, was occasioned on a call of a person to supplj 
the place of Mr. Hooker." He does not tell when tins 
occurred, nor who was the person to whom a call was given. 
In another place, he says, the difierences at first were *^ about 
tbe enlargmg of baptism and such like accounts." Mather 
aavs, the misundersttmding be^an between Mr. Stone and the 
nuing elder, (William GK>odwiir,) but its oriffin was obscure. 
Trumbull supposes, '* that some member had been admitted, 
or baptism administered, which Elder Goodwin conceived to 
be inconsistent with the rights of the brotherhood and the 
rtrict principles of the Congregational churches." 

The minority were attached to the Congregational way of 
church order as professed and practiced under Mr. Hooker ; 
they seemed to adhere to the Cambridge Platform, and were 
opposed to all important changes. They were sometimes 
called '* strict Congjegationalists." On the other hand, Mr. 
Stone was endeavoring to introduce some new practices into 
the church ; to efiect some innovations that were displeasing 
to the minority ; and he seems to have been sustained by a 
majority of the church. Trumbull is of opinion that his 
changes related to three subjects, and that the whole contro- 
versy respected them, viz., the qualifications for baptism, 
church membership, and the rights of the brotherhood. These 
three points require some ezpumation. 

1. Baptism. Hitherto, only the members of .churches in 
full commimion, had their children baptized. Now, many 
ministers and others desired to enlarge the subjects of baptism, 
and a council or synod from Massachusetts and Connecticut 
met at Boston in June, 1657, and decided that baptism might 
be extended to the children of such baptized parents as were 
not scandalous, and would own the covenant, though not 


memben of the church in full communion. Mr. Stone was 
one of this council, and is supposed to have advocated the 
introduction of this new measure, this " half-way covenant," 
as it was subsequently called. Another synod met in Boston 
in 1662 and recommended the same practice. This alteration 
met with much opposition in both colonies, and was but 
slowly introduced.* 

2. Church membership. From the first settlement of New 
England, only those who gave some evidence of their faith 
and repentance, were admitted to communion by the churches. 
There were individuals, perhaps many, who desired to have 
all admitted to the Lord's Supper who had competent knowl- 
edge, and whose conduct was not immoral, though not pro- 
fessing to be regenerate. No evidence has been adduced to 
ahow ibat Mr. Stone, or any other minister, or the majority 
of any ehurch, at the time of the Hartford contentions, were 
in &vor of such a latitude in admitting members to com- 
munion. The council at Boston in 16^7, which approved of 
*^ owning the covenant," was decisive against receiving any 
to Ml commxmion, except those who manifested faith and 
repentance. It may be doubted whe&er Mr. Stone differed 
much from Elder Goodwin and the minority on the question 
of full church membership. 

3. The rights of the brotherhood. Trumbull says, " Mr* 
Stone's ideas of Congregationalism appear to have bordered 
more on Presbyterianism, and less on independence, than 
those of the first ministers in the country in general.*' These 
ideas'of Mr. Stone, vdth actions in some degree corresponding, 
will account for much of the controversy at Hartford. He 
was probably considered by the minority as daiming too 
much power, and encroaching upon the rights of the breth- 

The papers containing the chief points upon which the 
parties dafered, then- grievances and complaints, and the 
decisions of the councils that were called to compose their 
differences, have not been preserved, except the account of 

* Trumbull is mistaken in simposin^ that ''owning the covenant'' was not 
imcticed in Connecticnt nntil 1^6. 'Hiero ia an eld record in Windsor, relating 
to chnivh matters, which states that Mr. Warham first began this practice, Janu- 
ary 31, 1657-8, and continued it until March 19, 1664-5, when he forbore, owing 
to scruples of consdenoe.' Mr. Chauncey " set it on again,'.' June 21, 1666, the 
church assenting to it 

t In 1670, the second church in Hartford, was formed by " strict Congrega- 
tionalists" who had been members of the first church. Their sentiments were 
apparently similar to those of the planters of Hadley. They complained of oppo- 
sition bv preaching and practice to the Congregational way. This is now the 
6outh Cnturch in Hartforo. The first church is that under the pastoral care of 
Kev. Dt. Hawcs. 


the proceedings of the last council in 1659. Indeed, the 
progress of the controversy is nearly as obscure as its origin. 

Councils from the neighboring churches convened about 
1654 and 1655, to reconcile the parties, but without effect. 
In June, 1656, a counciPfrom the churches about Boston met 
at Hartford and gave their advice. The aggrieved minority 
seemed willing to comply, but the church did not submit to 
the advice given. The same council from Massachusetts 
was again invited to Hartford, and they went the latter part 
of April, 1657, and succeeded in effecting an agreement which 
was called a " Pacification," on the 3d of May. For reasons 
which do not appear, there soon followed what was called a 
relapse-^a breach of the pacification, and each party accused 
the other of violating it. The parties became more embit- 
tered and alienated than before. Mr. Stone and the church 
undertook to deal with some of the principal men in the 
minority, viz.. Governor Webster, Andrew Bacon and William 
Lewis. After this, the minority formally withdrew from the 
church, and were about forming a union with the church at 
Wethersfield under Mr. John Russell. This withdrawal ap- 
pears to have taken place in the latter part of 1657 or in the 
early part of 1658. Mr. Stone and the church were proceed- 
ing with the withdrawers" in a course of discipline, when the 
General Court interfered, in March, 1658, and prohibited the 
church from proceeding, and forbid the withdrawers to prose- 
cute their object. 

It was apparently in the early part of 1658, that the 
minority of the church began to think seriously of removing 
to the colony of Massachusetts. They sent men up the river 
to view the lands east and north of Northampton. Others 
applied to the General- Court of IVIassachusetts for a grant of 
land ; they were favorably received, and obtained what they 
desired. In the spring of 1659, an agreement was formed, 
and it was determined to begin the plantation that season. 
In their grant from Massachusetts was a condition, that they 
should submit to an orderly hearing of the differences between 
themselves and their brethren. 

The former council from Massachusetts, with an addition 
from two more churches, were invited to meet at Hartford on 
the 19th of August, 1659. The church at Dorchester de- 
clined sending their minister, Mr. Richard Mather, " in regard 
to his age and the difficulties of the journey," but intimated 
that they would aftbrd their help if the meeting were some- 
where in the Bay. It was finally agreed that the council 
should meet in Boston, on the 26th of September. They 
heard the grievances, blamed both parties, and proposed terms 


of reoonciliation, which were accepted. After this, the 
churches of Hartford and Hadley held communion with each 
otiier. Their grievances presented to this Council had all 
happened since the pacification of May, 1657 ; there was no 
allusion to the earlier subjects of controversy.* 

The General Court of Connecticut, in appointing the 
annual Thanksgiving in November, 1659, mention as one 
reason for thanks, '' the success of the endeavors of the rev- 
erend elders of the last council, for composing the sad differ- 
ences at Hartford." 

This reconciliation caused much joy in many churches. On 
the 23d of October, 1654, Mr. Mather recited to the church 
in Dorchester, the determination of the council, "and the 
loving acceptance thereof by both parties, with their readiness 
to make confession of the failings of each to the other, for 
which we ought to give Ood the praise.^t 

The Council of 1659. The result of this council is among 
the papers of the Massachusetts Historical Society. It is a 
long document, and not easily read. What follows, is only 
an abstract, containing the substance of the decision. 

"A Council held at Boston, Sept 26, 1659, concerning: tho lon^, sad, and afflict- 
ing eontroversj between tho Bcv. Teacher, Mr. Samuel Stone, and the brethren 
of the church at Hartford, on one part, and the brethren, the withdrawers from 

BAid church, on the other part, since the relapse, after tho pacification of May 3, 
1657." f— --I- r 


Six GRiEyANCES presented by the withdrawing brethren and answers of the 

1. Mr. Stone's non-administration of the sacrament. 
CoundL They think Mr. Stone's conduct irregular. 

9. His sending for a dismission. 

Council. His dcsiro of dismission, so soon after consenting to the pacification, 
was unseaflonable. 

3. His propositions. 

Council. His proposals of engagements to tho church at such a time, wero 
uiseasonable ana inexpedient. 

4. Rigid handling of divers brctlirrn. 

CounciL The dealing with honored Mr. Webster was unnecessary and should 
have been snared. The dealing with brother Bacon fur his first speech was of tho 
hardest. His second spc>cch was more censurable, but might have been passed 
with a rebuke. We dare not censure the proceedings in brotlier Lewis's case, as 

5. Mr. Stone's nullifying the instrument of pacification. 

Council. Mr. Stone's expressions, candidly interpreted, did not nullify the 

* Trumbull supposes that tlirep councils from Massachnsctts met at Hartford, 
▼is., one in 1656, one June 3, 1659, and one Aucf. 19, 1659 ; ho omits the council 
that made the pacification in May, 1657, or perhaps he transfers its transactions 
to the supposed council of June 3, 1659. There was uo council at Hartford, 
Auff. 19, jto9, but there was one at "Boston, Sept. 26, J 659, whose proceedings in 
which are mentioned the other cotmcils, Trumbull had not seen. These proceed- 
ings make no allusion to a council in June, 1659. 

t Dorchester church records. 

16 aiSrOET OF HADLSir. 

C. *' Conoerning the church's separaiinff oarriogos, not taking cognizance f/S 
onr comphiints, and owning Mr. Stone in Lis offcnsivo {)racticcs." 

Council. Affiura seem not to have been managed with such immutiality, and < 
encouragement of the dissenters, as the stato of things required. Wnen Mr. Stone 
was blameworthy, the brethren who upheld him, were blameworthy. 

Breach of padficAtion is the ^tin&faX point Mr. Stone was guilty of actions 
which tended to unsettle the pacification, but not guilty of a breach of it 

Six Grievances j^resented by Bfr. Stone and the bretAron of the church, uuf 
answers of tiie council. 

1. The withdrawers offered riolenoe to this pacification. 
CoundL They did break it by their actual withdrawing. 

2 and 3. The withdrawers transgressed in separating ia a schismatical way, 
and their sin is scandalous. 

Council. The separadon of the withdrawers was irregular, as there was no 
jost cause for separation ; and if there had been, council might have been had, 
and the dismission been orderly. Though their act was irregular, yet we look 
not on them as schismatics, because they were led thereto by a mistake concern- 
ing the act of the council of 1666. They have all along desired a council. 

4. The withdrawers are still members of the church at Hartfturd. 
Coundl. We admit that they are still members. 

5. The withdrawers transgressed in publishing their papers. 

Council. The offensive or accusato^ part, we judge to be irregular, in respect 
to exact verity, and in respect to order. 

6. Their joining another church. 

Coundl. They cannot bo members of two churches at once. We bear witness 
against such of the withdrawers as have joined another church, as bdng irregular. 

We desire that in case of mutual satisfaction given and taken, between all 
parties, that then there might bo a returning of the dissenters into communion 
with the Hartford church. But if any of them, after satisfiiction, shall choose ta 
dispose of themselves elsewhere, and to remove thdr habitations, then our advicer 
is tnat the church give them dismission on their request, and that sudi as have 
joined another church, do renew their covenant We expect they will hdd 
communion with the church at Hartford, and the church with them. 

Th5 council dosed with strong exhortations to the parties ; and mentioned the 
great labor of the coundl at Harabrd in 1656 ; the service ef the messengers fix>m 
IlassachuRetts, and the padfication of May 3d, 1657, and the relapse ; and tiie 
labors of the present assembly. 

Signed at Boston, Oct 7, 1659, by 14 ministers, vix., John Wilson, Charlea 
Chaunoey, Richard Mather, John Allin, Zech. Svmmes, John Norton, John Eliot, 
Edm. Browne, Thos. Cobbet, John Sherman, William Hubbard, Samuel Danforth, 
Jonathan Mitchell, Thos. gSiepard ; and 3 delegates, viz., Bichard Bussel, Edward 
Tyng, Isaac Heath. 

Wethersfield experienced various vicissitudes, and most of 
the early settlers removed to other towns, and their places 
were supplied by new comers. After a few years, the inhab- 
itants became more stable and prosperous, and the village 
contained many intelligent and thriving men. Mr. Henry 
Smith, their minister, died in 1648, ad^r preaching there 
eight or ten years. Mr. John Russell succeeded him in 1649. 
He and a number of the church entertained opinions in unison 
with those of the minority at Hartford, while others seemed 
to sympathize with the majority. There was some difficulty 
at Wethersfield in 1658, and a complaint was presented to the 
General Court against Mr. Russell in August. A few nvonths 


after thisi Ideut. John HoUister* was excommunicated b^ 
the church. In March, 1659, he complained that the charges 
against him had not been presented to him. The General 
Court required Mr. Russell and the church to deliver to him 
a copy of the charges ; and they desired the church to con- 
sider the matter and conclude upon some way to issue their 
sad differences. 

The town voted, December, 1658, that they had no settled 
minister among them ; and on the 24th of March, 1659, they 
chose a committee ** to procure a solid and approved minis- 
ter." The committee were to consult Governor Wells, who 
resided in Wethersfield, and Mr. Stone of Hartford. On the 
2d of May, 1659, the town chose another committee to engage 
a minister, prefacing ihe vote with these words : — " seeing it 
is commonly reported that Mr: Russell hath sent for his church 
to Norwottuck, to do some church act, whereby the town is 
wholly destitute." In June, 1659, the General Court judged 
it to be the duty of the inhabitants of Wethersfield to provide 
a minister. 

It appears from these proceedings that Mr. Russell preached 
in Wethersfield until some time in April, 1659, though the 
town voted that they had no settled minister, some months 
previous. A majority of the town were opposed to him, but 
a majority of the church seem to have aohered to him. In 
October, 1659, the General Court, referring to the long and 
tedious difierences and troubles betwixt Mr. Russell and sev- 
eral members of Wethersfield church, particularly betwixt 
Mr. Russell and the lieutenant, desired the churches of Hart- 
ford and Windsor to send messengers to Wethersfield to give 
advice and counsel. " And the whole church belonging to 
Mr. Russell's charge, lately of Wethersfield, is to be acquainted 
herevnth." The meeting was to be on the first Tuesday in 
November. The result of this council is not known. In 
March, 1661, the General Court remarked that divers mem- 
bers of the church at Wethersfield had removed from thence 
without notice to, or allowance from the court, magistrates or 
churches of that coloiyr; those still remaining there were 
declared by the court to be the true and acknowledged church 
at Wethersfield. 

It may be concluded from expressions in the records and 
other circumstances, that a majority of the Wethersfield 
church-members settled at Norwottuck with Mr. Russell. 

*John Hollister, asuallj called ''the lieatonant/' was an influential man in 
Wethersfield. His daughter Siu-ah married Rev. Hope Atherton, the firtt minister 
of Hatfield ; and after his death, she married Timothy Baker, of Northampton. 


18 fflSTORT or flADusrr. 

The church was not large. Goodwin, iu his Foote Genealogf / 
states that early in the spring of 1659, all the members of the 
church, except six, voted for a removal. tTie General Court 
of Massachusetts, so careful to have the Hartford men separate 
from the church in an orderly manner, never suggested that 
there was any irregularity in the conduct of the Wethersfield 
members who settled in Hadley. 

Farmer's Genealogical Register says Mr. Russell was in* 
stalled in Hadley. The correctness of this remark may be 
doubted. It is believed that the "ehureh act" at Hadley, 
whatever it may have been, was not an act in which the aid 
or concurrence of any other church was sought. When a 
minister and a majority of his church changed their residence, 
no installing act was deemed necessary. 

Disputes in the church at Hartford and elsewhere continued 
long after Hadley was settled, but became less vehement. Mr. 
Bradstreet of New London, in his Journal in 1667, mentions 
that a synod was called at Hartford, to discuss some points 
eonceniing baptism and church-discipline, and he expressly 
names the two parties. Congregational and Presbyterian.- 
The Saybrook Platform of 1708 seems to have been the result 
ef a compromise between similar parties.' 


i!]}plication to Massachiisctts for land — ^Engagement at Hartford to remove i» 
Massachusetts — Committee to laj out a town at Norwottnck ; their retunii not 
accepted — ^Proceedings of the first settlers in 16f^ and 1660 — Settlers on the 
west side of the river — Courts of Justice — The now town named Hadley — 
Contest with Mr. Bradstreet 

Capt. John Cullick and Elder William Goodwin, two 

Sromment men among the withdrawers, (as they were then 
enominated,) went t^ Boston and presented the following 
petition to the General Court, May 20, 1658 : 

" Whereas yonr most humble scrv*ants, the subscribers, with several others of 
the colony of Cunnectlcut, do conceive that it may he most for the comfort olT 
them and theirs to remove themselves and families from thence, and to como 
under your pious and godly rovemment, if the Lord shall please so to order it, 
and yourselves to acccj[)t it. We do nresumo to present this our humble motion 
to your wisdom's consideration, whetner we may, without offence, view any tract 
of land unpossessed 'A'ithin your colony, in order to such an end, and in case we 
fan present any thing that may be to the encouraging of a considerable company 
to take up a plantation, either at Nonotuck or el^whcrc, we may have yoiur gra- 
cious allowance to dispose ourselves there ; or in case that be not, then wiUiin 
any of your settled plantations, as the wise God shall direet us and show 
unto us ; wo being first of you, presume to tender ourselves first to you, which if 



^om shall please to grant, we hope through the gpuse of Christ, our conyersations 
among you shall be yrithout offence ; so committing yon and all your weighty 
4iffiuxB to the guidance and blessing of the Lord, we reit, 

yours in all due observance, 
Boston, 20th, 3d, 1658. JOHN CULLICE, ' 

[May 2», 1658.] WILL. GOODWIN." 

Their request was granted in the following terms : — 

'* In answer to the petition of Ci^ Cnllick and Bfr. Wm. Goodwin, in behalf 
of themselves and olners, the Court jodfeth meet to grant their request, in ref- 
erence te lands not already granted, and nirther gives them liberty to inhabit in* 
mny part of our jmrisdiction already planted, provided they submit themselves 
to a due and anarfy hearing of the d^erences between toomselves and thdr 

Consented to by both Magistrates and Deputies, May 25, 1658. 

In the same year, 1658, some ci the withdrawers desired 
propositions from Northampton in regard to Capawonk meadr 
ow, which belonged to that town. In October, 1658, the 
town of Northampton voted to " give away" Capawonk, on 
four conditions: — 1st. The Hartford men are to settle two 
plantations ; one on each side of the river. 2d. They are to 
maintain a sufficient fence against hogs and cattle, dd. They 
are to pay 10 pounds, in wheat and peas. 4th. They are to 
inhabit here by next May. 

The Agreement or Engagement of those who intended to 
remove from Connecticut to Massachusetts, is dated at Hart- 
ford, April 18, 1659, and is recorded on the first book of 
Hadlev records. The following is a copy of that Agreement 
and 01 some proceedings of a later date recorded with the 

" At a meeting at Goodman Wavd's house, in Hartford, April 18th, 1659, the 
company there met engaged themselves under their own hands, or by thoir depQ> 
ties, whom they had chosen, to remove themselves and their families out of the juris- 
^ction of Connecticut into the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, as may appear 
in a piqier dated tiie di^ and year abovcsaid. The names of the engagers are 
these: — 

John Webster 
William Qoodwia 
John Crow 
Nathaniel Ward 
John White 
John Barnard 
Andrew Bacon 
^ William Lewis 
WilHiun Westwood 
Bichard Gk)odman 
John Arnold* 
William Partrigg 
Gregory Wilterton* 
Thomas Standley 
8amuel Porter 
Richard Church 
Ozias Goodwin* 
Francis Barnard 
James Ensign* 
■Geoige Stoeio* 

John Marsh 
Kobert Webster* . 
William Lewis Jr.* 
Kathaniel Standloy 
Samuel Church 
William Markum 
43amuel Moody 
Zechariah Field 
Widow Westly* 
Widow Watson* 
Andrew Warner 
Mr. John Russell Junior 
Nathaniel Dickinson 
Samuel Smith 
Thomas Coleman 
John Russell, senior 
John Dickinson 
Philip Smith 
John Coleman 
Thomas Wells 

James Northam 
- Samuel Gardner 

Thomas Edwards* 

John Uubbard 

Thomas Dickinson 
. Robert Boltwood 

Samuel Smith Jr* 

William Gull 

Luke Hitchcock* 

Richard Montague 

John Latimer* 

Peter Tilton 

John Hawkes 

Richard Billings 

Benj. Harbert* 

Edward Benton* 

John Catling* 

Mr. Samuel Mooker* 

Capt John CuUick* 
not fully engaged. 

Daniel Warner 



Ist We whose names are above written do engage oarselves mntnally one to 
another, that we will, if God permit, transplant oarselves and Cunilies to the 
plantation purchased, on the east side of the river of Connecticnt, beside North- 
ampton, therein to inhabit and dwell bv the 29th of September come twelve 
months, which will be in the year 1660. [Meaning Sept. 29th, 1660.] 

2d. That each of us shall pay the chiu^ees of the land porchased according to hia 
proportion, as also for the purchase of Hockanum. 

3d. That we will raise all common charges, of what sort soever, for the present, 
upon the land that men take up : mow, plow land and house lot, according to the 
proportion of land that each man takes of all sorts ; and all charges shall T>e paid 
as tney shall arise and be due, firom the date hereof. 

4th. That if any persons so engaging be not inhabiting there by the time 
aforesaid, then, notwithstanding their payment of char^, their lands and what is 
laid out in rates shall return to the town : and yet this article doth not free men 
from their promise of going and inhabiting. 

5th. That no man shall have liberty to sell any of his land till he shall inhabit 
and dwell in the town three years ; and also to sell it to no person, but such as 
the town shall approve on. 

Agreed that all those persons that will go up within three weeks shall give in 
their names by this dav fortnight, and then those that are so agreed shall toke up 
a quarter together, and so those that follow shall take up another quarter, so they 
do it together, or so far as their numbers run. 

Agreed also that no persons shall foil any trees upon any lot of ground lotted 
out, or to be lotted out, but upon his own ground or lot, or against his own lot 
within ten rods of the same in the highway. The land to be lotted is either what 
is for the homelots, or between the homelots and the meadow. 

It is aereed also by the said company, upon the 25th of April, 1659, that they 
win punmase the lands on the west side of the great river, above Napanset, if it 
can be bought, and that each of the said engasers will pay their several propor- 
tions to the said purchase, according to what they have put in to take up lands 
by, at the time oi their said engagement : witness their hands, dated April the 
18th 1659. 

At the said meeting William Westwood, Bichard Goodman, William Lewis, 
John White and NatJ^iel Dickinson were chosen bv the whole company, to go 
up to the foresaid plantation, on the east side of Northamptoi^ and to lay out the 
number 59 homelots, and to allow eight acres for eveir nomelot, and to leave a 
street 20 rods broad betwixt the two westermost rows of homelots ; and to divide 
the said rows of homelots into quarters by highways. Those men, being willing 
to answer the desire of the said company, did undertake the work. They desiring 
to make some beginning there for tnemselves, the company granted them liberty, 
according to a former agreement, that they might choose in any of the quarters 
to lay out their own homelots, provided they took them together at one side of 
any of fhe said quarters. 

The plantation being begun by them and some other of the engagers, the rest 
of the engagers that remained at Hartford and Wethersficld, with those that were 
come up to inhabit at the said plantation, did upon the ninth of November (1659) 
at Hartford, and about the said time at Wethersfield, and at the said plantation, 
choose by vote, William Westwood, Nathaniel Dickinson, Samuel Smitn, Thomas 
Standley, John White, Richard Goodman, and Nathaniel Ward, to order all 
public occasions, that concern the good of thatplantation for the year ensuing. 

The said Townsmen made a rate upon the 22d of November, 1659, for the pay- 
ing dP the purchase of the said plantation, and for the minister's maintenance, 
levying it at 50 shillings the 100 pounds, which in the whole sum came to 1^ 
pounds ; for the speedy gathering oi this rate, we sent the rate down to the two 
towns Hartford and Wethersfield, that the charges might be truly paid and satis- 
fied, by every man according to his engagement, as is visible in the engagement 
itself, that is dated the 18th of April im?' 

There are 69 names to the agreement, and one not fully 
engaged. Of these, 31 first named, from John Webster to 
Andrew Warner, inclusive, belonged to Hartford, except 


Samuel Porter, who was from Windsor, but may have resided 
in Hartford in 1659. The next 20, from Mr. John Russell, Jr. 
to John Latimer, inclusive, belonged to Wethersfield ; the 
next two, Peter Tilton and John Hawks, were of Windsor, 
and 5 or 6 of the 7 below Hawks, were of Hartford. Those 
with this mark, * 18 in number, did not remove to Hadley, or 
remained there but a short time. 

The General Court, on the 28ih of May, 1659,-appointed a 
committee of five, viz., three from Springfield ana two from 
Northampton, to lay out the bounds of a town, according to 
the grant made May 25, 1658. The order follows, copied 
from the printed records <5f the Colony, and retaining the 
original orthography, except a few contractions. 

'' Whereas it hath appeared to this Court, that according to a former mnnt to 
Ca^t John Ctdlicke it, Mr Willjam Goodwyn, in behalfe of themselyes and 
ffireindB that desired to remoove into our colony, thej haue beg^nne to remoove 
to Norwoottacke with seuerall familjes, and made some be^nhi^ on the east side 
the riuer in order to a phmtacion, and that tibcre are many desirable persons 
haoing a pastor with his diorch engaged to goe idong with them, with another 
who ma^ in tjme be joyned to that cnui^ch for theire further hclpe in the worke of 
the ministry, whereby they are enabled not only to carry on a toune, but church 
worke also, — this Court, being willing to remoove all obstacles out of theire way, 
and finding the people so many and considerable that haue engaged, with souenUl 
others that wouul engage if there might be encouragement found there for them, 
doe order, that these persons ffollowing, yiz., Capt Pinchon, Left. Holyhoke^ 
Deacon Chapin, WiUjam Uolton, and Richard Lyman, shall be a committee folly 
impowered by this Cfourt to lay out the bounds of the toune at Norwottocke, on 
eitoer or both sides the riuer as they shall see cause, so as shall be most suitable 
for the chohabitation and full supply of those people, that this wildemes may be 
populated and the majpe ends of our coming into tiiese parts may be promoted. 
Voted by the whola Court mett together. 28, 3, 1659." 

The preamble of the order shows clearly that the Court 
deemed these emigrants from Connecticut to be estimable 
men, and a valuable acquisition to the colony. It also shows 
that the church at Wethersfield, (that is, a majority of its 
members) were about to remove with their pastor. The other 
minister alluded to, was Mr. Samuel Hooker, son of Mr. 
Thomas Hooker, of Hartford. He was then preaching at 
Springfield. In the agitation at Hartford, he appears to have 
harmonized in opinion vsith the minority of the church. 

The Committee appointed to lay out a new plantation at 
Norwottuck, made the following report, Sept. 30, 1669 : — 

'* In obedience to an order of the much Honored General Court in May last, 
appointing us whose names are subscribed^ to lay out the bounds of the new 
plantation at Norwottuck on the river Connecticutt for the supply of those people 
that are to settle there ; considering what people are to remove thltber and the 
quality of the lands thereabouts, we have thougnt good to lav out their bounds on 
both sides of said River, viz. on the East side of said river their southerly bounds 
to be from the head of the Falls above Springfield and so to run ea^ and by north 
the length of nine miles fipom the said nver : And their Northerly bounds to bo a 
little brook called by the Indians Nepasoaneage up to a mountain called Quunk- 
wattchu, and so running eastward from the river tne same length of nine miles ; 


from their southerly boands to the northerly bounds on the cast Bide the river is 
about 11 or 12 miles. And on the west side of the river their bounds on the south 
are to join or meet with Northampton bounds, (which said bounds of Northampton 
come to a little riverctt running betwixt two pieces of land called Capawonk and 
Wequittayyagg) And on the north their bounds to be a great mountain, called 
Wequomps ; and the North and South bounds are to run west two miles from th6 
great river; And from North to South on that side the river is about 6 or 7 miles. 





Sept 30 1^9. RICHARD LYilAN 

A postscript. Wliereas it*s said above that their north and south bounds are to 
run two miles west from the ^reat river : it is intended that the south bounds are 
the Everett above mentioned upon what point soever it run, and the t^'o miles 
west respects the straight line. 

The deputies approve of the return of this committee desiring the consent of 
the honored magistrates. WILLIAM TORREY, Clerk 

Respited till next court [by Uie magistrates.] 

EDWARD RAWSON, Secretary. 

The report, it will be seen, was not accepted bv the magis- 
trates. Some of them had received grants of land, within the 
boands laid out by the committee ; and if they gave up these, 
they intended to take up other lauds in the same valley. 

Hadley was never able to extend her bounds as far east- 
ward as this committee proposed. Nepasoaneag brook, at its 
mouth, continued to be the northern limit. On the west side 
of the river, Capawonk meadow, then owned by Northampton, 
came up to the riverett, now Hatfield Mill river. Wequomps 
mountain was Sugar Loaf, now in Deerfield. 

All the transactions of 1669 that are recorded, may be 
found on pages 19 and 20. It may be presumed that the 
broad street and homelots were laid out in 1659 ; that a 
number of the engagers ** came up to inhabit at the said plan- 
tation," in 1659, and built rude dwellings, where they lived 
during the next winter. Who, or how many, passed the 
winter there, cannot be known. The seven men, chosen Nov. 
9,1659, "to order all public occasions," and called Towns- 
men, were at the new plantation and made a rate, Nov. 22, 
1659, and they, or a majority of them, probably wintered 
there with others. One of these Townsmen, Thomas Stanley, 
made his will, Jan. 29, 1659-60, in which he disposed of his 
house and land, " that are here at the new plantation," proving 
conclusively that he then lived in the new town. 

No record whatever remains of their doings in 1660, prev- 
ious to the 8th of October, and it may be concluded that no 
public business was performed that required a register. 

On the 8th of October, 1660, a Town-meeting, so called, 
was held at the house of Andrew Warner, and it was voted : 

HlffTORY OF HADLE^r. 25 

^-That no person should be owned for an inhabitant, or have 
liberty to vote or act in town affairs, until he should be 
legally received as an inhabitant — That all who sit down on 
the west side of the river, shall be one with those on the east 
side, in both ecclesiastical and civil matters, that are common 
to the whole 5 they paying all charges from their engagement, 
and all purchase-cnarges from the beginning. Those admitted 
for inhabitants on the west side of the river, are to be " in- 
habiting there in houses of their own by Michaelmas next," 
(Sept. 29, 1661,) and to sign an engagement by themselves, 
or some others for them. The votes or agreement at this 
meeting were signed by 28 persons, viz., John Webster, 
William Goodwin, John Crow, Nathaniel Ward, John White, 
Andrew Bacon, William Lewis, William Westwood, Richard 
Goodman, Thomas Standley, Samuel Porter, Ozias Goodwin, 
John Marsh, William Markum, Samuel Moody, Zechariah 
Field, Andrew Warner, Mr. John Russell, Junr., Nathaniel 
Dickinson, Samuel Smith, Thomas Coleman, John Dickinson, 
Philip Smith, Thomas Wells, Thomas * Dickinson, Richard 
Montegue, Peter Tilton, Richard Billing. 

These 28 persons were perhaps all the engagers then in the 
new town, and included some who had not removed their 
families from Connecticut. 

Most of those who wished to settle on the west side of the 
river, signed an engagement for themselves, or their friends 
for them, to be dwellers there before Sept. 29, 1661. Some 
signed at the meeting, Oct. 8th, others Nov. 1st, and some in 
January, February or March, 1661. Twenty-five persons 
manifested an intention before March 25, 1661, to establish 
themselves on that side of the river, in the new town, viz*, 
Aaron Cook, Thomas Meekins, William AUis, Nathaniel 
Dickinson, Jr., John Coleman, Isaac Graves (with his father, 
Thomas Grav es,) John Graves, Samuel Belding, Stephen 
Taylor, John "Wnite, Jr., Daniel Warner, Richard Fellows, 
Richard Billing, Edward 3enton, Mr. Ritchell (with his son,) 
Ozias Goodwin, Zechariah Field, Lieut, Thomas Bull, Greg- 
ory Wilterton, Nathaniel Porter, Daniel White, William 
Pitkin, John Cole, Samuel Church, Samuel Dickinson. Of 
these 25 persons, Aaron Cook and Samuel Church did not 
remove to the west side of the river ; Ozias Goodwin, Lt. Bull, 
Gregory Wilterton and William Pitkin continued to reside at 
Hartford, Nathaniel Porter at Windsor, and Mr. Ritchell or 
Richall and Edward Benton lived at Wethersfield. Sixteen 
were permanent residents on the west side. 

Two of these signers, Thomas Meekins and William Allis, 
belonged to the Massachusetts Colony, and lived at Braintree. 


During the years 1659 and 1660, no permanent distribution 
of lands was made in the intervals or meadows. - Men tilled 
parcels of the common lands, temporarily assigned to them* 
It was imcertain how many of the engagers would become 
actual settlers. The grants to Mr. Bradstreet and others, may 
have discouraged some ; various things operated to dissuade 
others from the undertaking, and in the course of two years, 
many had changed their minds. New applicants appeared to 
supply their places, and there was no lack of settlers. 

Courts similar to County courts were ordered, by the Gen- 
eral Court, in May, 1668, to be kept yearly, the last Tuesday 
of March and the last Tuesday of September, one at Spring- 
field and one at Northampton. They were held by the 
Springfield Commissioners. In Oct. 1659, it was ordered as 
follows, concerning freemen and the new town :— 

" Those made fireemen here, and who removed to Connecticut, and have now 
returned to this colonjr, are still freemen here, withont any further oath. Thoee 
in the plantations on Connecticut River, who are not freemen, but capable by 
law to Decome so, are to be sworn by the Springfield Commissioners. The new 
town is to be under the power of the Spnngfield Commissioners in regard to 
County Courts, till fiirther order." 

" May 31, 16(S0. Mr. John Webster, of the new town at Norwottuck, is by this 
Court commissionated with magistratical power for theyear ensuing, to act in all 
civil and criminal cases as one magistrate may do. He is to join the Commis- 
sioners in keeping the courts." 

Mr. John Webster, and the three Springfield Commission- 
ers, viz., Capt. John P)mchon, Mr. Samuel Chapin and Elizur 
Holyoke, held a Court at Springfield, Sept. 25, 1660 and 
another at Northampton, March 26, 1661. On the same 26th 
of March, the Springfield Commissioners were at " Newtown 
or Norwotuck," (so they call the place) and the following 
persons took the freeman's oath before them, viz., Mr. John 
Webster, Mr. John Russell, Nathaniel Ward, William Mark- 
ham, Thomas Dickinson, Andrew Bacon, Thomas Wells, 
John Hubbard, Nathaniel Dickinson, Philip Smith, Thomas 
Coleman, Robert Boltwood, Samuel Gardner, Peter Tilton. 
There were others who had been made freemen in Massachu- 
setts before they removed to Connecticut. 

Jurors firom the New Town attended the Court for the first 
time, March, 1661, viz., Andrew Warner, William Lewis, John 
White, Samuel Smith. 

Mr. Webster, an eminent man, died on the 6th of April, a 
few days after this court. 

At a meeting. May 11, 1661, it was voted that all the free- 
men should meet at the house of Goodman Lev^s " upon the 
next 2d day," (meaning the second day, or Monday, of the 
next week) with a committee, to consider of some things to 
present to the General Court, this month. 


Some things agreed upon at that meeting, may be inferred 
from the following order of the General Court, May 22, 1661, 
copied from the printed records : — 

*' On tbe motion of the inhabitants of tho new plantation nerc Northampton, 
relating to sondiy particculars, it in ordered by this Court, that the sd tonne shall 
be called Hadley, and that for the better gouermcnt of the people, & suppressing 
of sinns there, some moetc persons, annually presented by the freemen vnto this, 
shall be conunissioned and empowred to act in seuenUl services as followeth : 
first, the sajd commissioners, together with the commissioners of Springfeild and 
Northampton, or tho greater i)art of them, shall haue liberty &. be impowred to 
keepe ye Courts appointed at Springfeild &> Northampton ; secondly, that tlie 
saicl commissioners for Hadley shall and are hereby empowred, without a jury, to 
hcare &, determine all ciuil actions not exceeding nue pounds ; 3dl^, that the sajd 
commissioners for Iladley shall & are hereby empowred to dealo in all criminall 
cases according to laue, where the penalty shall not exceed tenn stripes for ono 
offence ; provided, tlwt it shall be lawfuU for any person sentenced by the sajd 
commissioners, cither in ciuil or criminall cases, to appeale to the Court at Spring- 
feild or Norttiampton ; fourthly, that tho persons for the yeare ensuing, &, tfll 
others be nominated & chosen, for the tonne of Hadley, appointed & authorized 
as aforesajd, are, Andrew Bacon, Mr. Samuell Smith, &. Mr Wm Westwood ; 
5thly, Uiat the commissioners liereby a})pointed shall take theire oathes before 
Capt. Pinchon for the faithful! discharge of theire duty therein, who is hereby 
antnorized to administer the same vnto them. It is also ordered by this Court, 
that the jurymen freemen for trialls at Springfeild &> Northampton Courts shall 
take information &, make presentments to ye Court of misdemeanors, as grand 
jiuTmen vsually doe, or ouglit to doe, and that the clarke of tlie Court ipor Spring- 
feild Sl Nortluunpton send forth warrants to the three tonnes for jurymen, wim 
respect to the ease of travill to each Court, &. yt Mr John Bussell, Sen, be clarke 
of ye writts for Hadley, and yt ^fr Westwood, or, in his absence, ono of tho other 
commissioneil, are hereby authorized to joyne persons in marriage at Hadley.** 

This place, previously denominated the new town, the new 

Plantation, or Norwottuck, was by the preceding act named 
[adley, and the incorporation of the town is commonly dated 
from the same act. The old towns in Massachusetts were not 
made legal bodies by any regular act of incorporation. A 
few words, <Ieclaring a place to be a town, and giving it a 
name, conferred all the powers and privileges of a town ; and 
in some instances, the mere naming of a place seems to have 
been equivalent to an act of incorporation. In regard to 
Springfield and Northampton, no transaction of the General 
Court is recorded, which can be called an incorporation. 

Hadley, when it was named in 1661, hiid no established 
boundaries, on either side of the river. The first j^urchases of 
the Indians had been made, viz., one on the east side, Dec. 25j 
1658, and two on the west side in 1660. The three purcha- 
ses cost the inhabitants 1 50 pounds. 

Hadley was named from Hadleigh or Hadley, a town in 
England, in the county of Sullblk, situated on the small river 
Berton, a branch of the Stour, a few miles west of Ipswich 
and oast of Sudbury. It is not far from the northern bound- 
ary of Essex, a county from which came many of the early 
settlers of Hartford. The Saxon name of Hadleigli was 



Headlege, according to Comdeu. When he wrote, abont 
1600, it was famous for making woolen cloths. In 1811, the 
population was 2592, and it had a handsome church. 

It may be conjectured that some of the first planters of 
Hadley came from the town of the same name in England. 
No record renaains to show who they were. The name m the 
town and county records is sometimes written Hadleigh. 

Hadley chose five townsmen in December, 1660, and these 
men held the office 1^ months, though what is deemed an act 
of incorporation took place about 5 months after they were 
ehosen. Others continued in office without a new choice. 

The judicial power conferred upon the Hadley commission- 
ers under the 2a and 3d heads, in the order of May, 1661, was- 
unusual, and it was abrogated and made null in 1663. The 
commissioners of the three towns were empowered, in 1661, to 
hold courts at Springfield and Northampton, but the North- 
ampton and Hadley commissioners do not appear as judges of 
these courts until March 31, 1663. 

The General Court in 1653, when they appointed a com- 
mittee to divide the land at Nonotuck into two plantations, 
evidently contemplated a plantation on the eastern, as well 
as one on the western side of the river. Yet through forget- 
fulness, inattention or ignorance of this part of the colony, 
the General Court in May, 1657, permitted Mr. Simon Brad- 
street, to whom they had previously granted 700 acres, ta 
take up his grant on the eafirtem side of Connecticut River, 
in the vicinity of Northampton. They also granted to Maj. 
Daniel Denison, 500 acres, and to Mr. Samudi Symonds, 300 
acres, near Mr. Bradstreet^s. Gen. Humphrey Atherton also 
had a grant of 500 acres " at Nonotucke beyond Springfield," 
May 26, 1658. 

There were no deputies present from Springfield and North- 
ampton in 1657 and 1658, and those from the eastern towna 
knew very little about this remote region of " Nonotucke be- 
yond Springfield."^ But those individuals who obtained granta^ 
of land upon the river, were not ignorant of their value, and 
not unmindful of their own interests. 

On the 27th of May, 1659, after it was ascertained that the 
Connecticut people were about to remove to Norwottuck, the 
Deputies passed the following vote, and the Magistrates con- 
sented : — 

The Court have granted to Mr. Bradstreet, Mr. Symonds, Mai. Gen. Denison 
and Maj. Atherton, each of them, a farm, which they intended to take upon 
Connecticut Kiver, above Springfield ; but as the takinff it there will bo very 
prejudicial to the new plantation, now going on there, w-liich this Court is very 
willing to encourage, the Deputies desire the four Magistrates to fiud out some 


t>l8icr place to take their farms in, and if it shall not bo equal in respoct to quality., 
it may be made op in quantity. 

In November, 1669, the Court added 200 acres to Maj. 
Atherton's gr&nt, and he took the 700 acres at Waranoke ; on 
the 3l8t of May, 1660, the Court added to Mr. Bradstreef s 
grant, 300 acres, to Mr. Symond's, 100 acres, and to Maj. Gen, 
Denison's, 300 acres, in consideration of their having resigned 
their former grants, for the accommodation of the new town. 
And they had liberty to take up their lands in any place on the 
west side of the river, ♦* provided it be full six miles from the 
place now intended for Jlorthampton meeting house, upon a 
straight line ;" or they might take their grants elsewhere in 
unappropriated lands. Mr. Bradstreet was to have the first 

Mr. Symonds took his land elsewhere ; but Mr. Bradstreet 
determined to take 600 of his 1000 acres on the west side of 
the river; and Maj. Gen. Denison, 500 of his 800 acres, near 
Mr. Bradstreet's. 

Hadley did not complain of the decision of the General 
Court, and Mr, Bradstreet did not apparently manifest any 
dissatisfaction for about two years, but after he was sent to 
England as an agent of the colony, his son Samuel Bradstreet 
sent a petition to the General Court at the May session, 1662, 
stating that his father had chosen 600 acres on the west side 
of Connecticut River, betwixt 6 and 6 miles in a straight line 
from Northampton meeting house, " beinff for the most part 
compassed about with a great brook, a long pond or ponds 
and Connecticut River.** He requested a confirmation oi this 
land for his father, and used some flimsy argiunents to show 
that his father ought to have it, though he had not gone 6 
miles from Northampton meeting house. 

It is hardly to be supposed that the Magistrates were much 
influenced by his arguments; yet they wished to do Mr. 
Bradstreet a favor, and were willing that he should have the 
land petitioned for. The Deputies did not consent, but said 
the grant must begin full 6 miles from Northampton meeting 
house, as before ordered. 

The subject was again presented to the Court at the Octo- 
ber session, 1662, and the Deputies again gave Mr. Bradstreet 
his 600 acres north of the 6 miles. The Magistrates did not 
consent to this, but gave Mr. Bradstreet the land where he 
desired it, south of the 6 miles line, and the Deputies finally 
agreed with them. The Deputies did not manifest as much 
perseverance as in some other cases, when contending with 
the Magistrates or Upper House ; and thus was consummated 
an act which Hadley people judged to be one of great injus- 


tice towards them ; it was directly contrary to the order of 
May 31, 1660. 

This decision produced much excitement in Hadley. The 
land now granted to Mr. Bradstreet was an important interval 
or meadow, from which the settlers on the west side of the 
river had received, or were to receive, a large portion of their 
interval land. It was called the Higher Meadow, the North 
Meadow, and the Great Meadow. Its boundaries still are 
brooks, ponds and the river, and the southern part is within 
about a mile of Hatfield meeting house. It included near a 
fourth part of all the interval on both sides of the river. 

At the next General Court, May, 1663, earnest petitions 
were sent from the church and town of Hadley, and one from 
Northampton in behalf of Hadley. Tiiey all believed that 
the act giving the Great Meadow to Mr. Bradstreet was not 

** The church of Christ in Hadley," in their i)etition, say, " wo ask only what 
wo have a right unto, derived from voursclves." They refer to the encourage- 
ment at first p^iven by the court for tliem to settle at Hadley, and to the subse- 
quent order requiring tne gentlemen who had grants not to come within six mik^ 
of Northampton Meeting House. They rcijuest that this order may stand sure 
and stedfast. Tliey estunato the interval given to Mr. Bradstreet, at ** about 
one-fourth part of their ser\'ieeable land." They conclude with these words : — 
" the thing is likely to leave the house of God unfurnished amongst us as well as 
our civil society." The petition is signed by John Kussell, Pastor ; Will. Good- 
win, Kuling Eldojr; Nathaniel Dickinson and Peter Tilton, Deacons, in the 
name of the chiux^h. 

Henry Clarke, Andrew Bacon and William Westwood sign- 
ed the petition in the name of the town of Hadley, May 26, 
1663. This petition is riluch longer than that of the church 
and would fill two or three pages of this book. Some extracts 
and abstracts follow. 

They request the General Court — " to lend a listening ear to our cry, occasion- 
ed by our present necessity and distress. Having viewed this place, although we 
found it bare and mean enough, in itself to answer our ends, and accompanic<] 
witli many inconveniences besides tlio great one of its remoteness, yet consider- 
ing the court's encomraging answer to our motion, we doubted not of enjoying 
what the place would afford." Thev then refer to the committee, appointed in 
May, 1659, to lay out the bounds of the plantation, who allotted to them tlie land 
they were pleading for, as appears by their return. " All the land here would not 
bo sufficient for such a comiMJtency as was thought not too much for our neigh- 
bors in the next plantation ; [Northampton] yet they tliink their neighbors will 
find their place hard and the work heavy enough. They complain because so 
much land was pven to Mr. Bradstreet and Maj. Gen. Denison " which discour- 
aged some of our comjiany, and several fell off, and among others, our dear and 
{>reciou8 help in the ministry, Mr. Hooker." " As to oiu* engrossing too much 
and, ten of the greatest men amongst us have not so much interv^al land as this 
farm Mr. Bradstreet T)leads for, and that witliin three-fourths of a mile of our 
houses, and the fnrtherest part of it within one mile and three-fourths of our 
houses." — " The place (lladley) has proved far wt>r»e for wintering cattle than 
was expected ; and the transportation of other things is tedious. We have piu*- 
chased of the Indians at such rates as wo believe never any plantation in New 
England was purchased." 


Northampton was interested in the prosperity of these new 
settlements, being very desirous of neighbors on both sides of 
the river. A petition was therefore signed by 36 of the 
inhabitants of Northampton, in favor of the people of Hadley, 
May 19, 1663. Some extracts follow : — 

Our brethren profess themselves to have set down there confiding in the lion- 
ored conrt's grant. The accommodations they have there, if they nave all thev 
expected, are but mean and very inconvenient for such a company, the uplands 
here being of inconsiderable value to what they are in other places. WJiat is 
raised here is at small price, foreign commodities are dear, and tlie charge and 
trouble in transporting by land near 50 miles, will be more felt by those that do it 
than others can readily conceive of. Should they foil of a supply of food and 
clothing for their families, and man^ remove elsewhere, and tne plantation bo 
scAtter^, how much should we be disappointed who have hoped for the comfort 
and refreshing of Christian nei&fhborhood. May it please the honored court, to 
take such order in the case as uiat the worthy gentlemen concerned may be no 
losers, and yet our societies not broken, nor our ueginnings routed, nor the work 
of the Lord hindered. 

On the 11th of June, 1663, Mr. Bradstreet sent to the 
General Court, a protest against the claims of Hadley, and 
referred to the decision in his favor in October, 1662. The 
Court adhered to that decision, and the petitions in favor of 
Hadley were unavailing. 

At the October session, 1063, the south line of Major Den- 
ison's farm was fixed at an oak tree, at the side of a great 
plain, near a swamp, about six miles from Northampton meet- 
mg house ; the line to run east and west from the oak tree ; 
and to extend to the north one mile on the river, and then 
west from the river far enough to make 600 acres. 

The south line of this farm seems to have been then con- 
sidered the north line of Hadley on the west side of the river, 
Mr. Bradstreet's farm being included in the township. 

The lands had been so allotted on both sides of the river, 
that it became necessary to purchase Mr. Bradstreet's farm, 
even at a high price, in order to give the planters on the west 
side, their proportion of meadow land. In April, 1664, Lieut. 
Samuel Smith was empowered by the town to purchase this 
farm, but he was not to exceed 200 pounds. Mr. Bradstreet 
would not sell for this sum. At length it was agreed that he 
should have 200 pounds, and 1000 acres of land lying north of 
Denison's farm, if it could be obtained. Lieut. Smith was 
under the necessity of petitioning the General Court, at the 
May session, 1664, for a cift of 1000 acres to Hadley, to 
enable the town to pay Mr. Bradstreet. The Court granted 
the petition and Hadley paid the 200 pounds in 1664 and 
1665. Mr. Bradstreet, for his original grant of 700 acres, 
received 200 pounds, in money, a large sum in those days, 
1000 acres of land upon Connecticut River, some of it valua- 


blc, and 500 acres elsewhere in the colony. The 1000 acres 
are now in Whately. 

The Denison Farm and this second Bradstreet Farm are 
well known to the people of Hatfield and Whately. A tract 
of land called Bashan, lying south of the Denison Farm, 
was not included in Bradstreet's Interval. 


Division of lands in New England — Hadley Homelots and Street — ^Manner of 
distributing Hadley Intervals — East side and west side Intervals — ^Hatfield 
Homelotfl — ^Measuring Land — Common Fields and Fenccs^ — Gates. 

The fathers of New England evidently intended that every 
industrious man should have the means of obtaining a com- 
petent share of the comforts of life ; and for this end, land 
was distributed to all, and the cultivators were also proprie- 
tors of the soil. A distribution of land was a distribution of 
power. This was a wide departure from the system of 
Europe, where the land was owned by a few, and working 
men were poor, dependent flftid despised. 

The General Court granted lands in townships, but seldom 
prescribed the manner in which they were to be apportioned 
among the inhabitants. In making allotments, no uniform 
rule was observed ; lands were variously distributed in differ- 
ent towns, and even in the same town. In making divisions, 
Eersons and property were considered. The head of the 
imily and the sons, and sometimes the wife and all the chil- 
dren, were taken into account. Ministers, and some besides 
them, received land from other considerations. 

In many towns in Massachusetts and Connecticut, some 
tracts were distributed equally to all the proprietors. Home- 
lots were sometimes nearly equal. In a few towns, the least 
share was half as much as the greatest, or the poorest man 
received half as much land as the richest. In others, the 
smallest share was only one-third, one-fourth, one-sixth or 
one-tenth as much as the largest. In some, the inequality 
was much greater, a few indiviauals receiving very large 
allotments on account of large estates and disbursements. 

A much greater proportion of the people of the old towns 
in Massachusetts and Connecticut were ireeholders and inde- 
pendent proprietors soon aft^^r their settlement than at any 


Kubseqnent period. Church-members and freemen had no 
advantage over others in the distribution of lands. — The later 
divisions of large tracts of wood-land in Northampton, Hadley 
and Hatfield were far more imequal than the early apportion- 
ments of intervals. 

Hadley Homelots on the east side of the river. — By the 
agreement at Hartford in 1669, every planter was to have a 
homelot of 8 acres. This equal division did not extend to 
other lands. The deficiency in a few of the homelots, which 
were less than 8 acres, was made up in the meadows. 

The spacious street, 20 rods wide, and the homelots on each 
side, 80 rods in length, must have been partially laid out in 
1659. The town plot -was laid out into four quarters, two 
on each side of the street, divided by a highway. It was 
voted Jan. 21, 1661, that the homelots should be well fenced 
by the middle of April next, each man doing his proportion. 
The ends of the street, and the west end of the middle lane into 
the woods, were to be fenced by the town, with posts and rails 
and gates. The homelots required about 16 miles of fence. 

The street extended across the neck* or peninsula, near its 
junction with the main land, and had the river at each end* 
The length of the street on the west side was not far from a 
mile or 320 rods ; the distance on the east side was consid- 
erably more. At the north end, the street turned easterly. 
The idea of a street so wide, may have been suggested by the 
Broad-street at Wethersfield. In forming it, they appear to 
have regarded both utility and beauty. Besides other uses, 
this enclosiure of about 40 acres was very convenient for 
grazing ground, when they had but few fenced pastures. 

In 1663, there were 47 houselots. Samuel Church lived 
with his father and had no houselot. Aaron Cooke lived with 
his father-in-law, William Westwood, and had no houselot. 

The plan of the village on the next page, exhibits the street 
and highways, the 47 houselots, and the names of the propri- 
etors in 1663. The figures denote the number of acres in 
each lot. A full lot of 8 acres was 16 rods wide. There was 
a broad space between the small lots at the north end 
and the nver, and some years later, several small house- 
lots were granted next to the river, and men built houses on 
these lots and lived there many years. M. in the street is 
the place where the first meeting-house stood. It was built 
after 1663. 

•* Neck was tho appellation which our fathers often gave to a peninsula and 
iathmus, as well as to other projections or points of land. Tho whole of Boston 
was sometimes called a neck of land. 








Samuel Gardner, 

North highway to the meadow. 

Chilcab Smith, 


Joseph Baldwin, 


Robert Boltwood, 


Francifl Barnard, 


John Hawks, 


Richard Church, 


Edward Church, 


Middle highway to the meadow. 


Henry Clark, 

Stephen Teny, 

Andrew Warner, 
John Marsh, 
Timothy Nash, 
Jolin Webster, 

William Goodwin, 

John Crow, 

Samnel Moody, 

Nathaniel Ward, 

William Markham, 







South highway to the meadow. 

Joseph Kellogg. 





North highway toHhe 



Ion -A 










1 -^ — 

William Partrigg, 


Tliomas Coleman, 


Samuel Smith, 


PhHip Smith, 


Ricliard Montague, 


John Dickinson, 


Samuel Porter, 


Thomas Wells, 


John Hubbard, 


Town Lot, 


Mr. John Russell, Jr. 


Middle highway to the woods. 

John Barnard, 


Andrew Bacon, 


Nathaniel Stanley, 


Tliomas Stanley, 


John White, 


Peter Tilton, 


William Lewis, 


Richard Goodman, 


William Westwood, 


Tliomas Dickinson, 


Nathaniel Dickinson, 


South higliway to the wood«. 





John Russell, sr. 


Manner of distributing Intervals or Meadows in Hadley. — 
Those who intended to remove to Iladley, had put in a sum 
" to take up lands by," in April, 1659. When the lands were 
divided, each proprietor received allotments according to a 
simi annexed to his name, called estate. These sums varied 
from 50 to 200 pounds, and must have been the result of 
friendly consultation and agreement. How persons and prop- 
erty were considered, cannot be known. Some of the enga- 
gers were w^orth three times the sum set against their names, 
and some were worth less than the sum so affixed. — Hartlbrd 
had divided lands according to sums set against the names of 

In June, 1662, three young, single men applied for land, 
viz., John Taylor, John Ingi-am and William Pixley, and in 
December, a small houselot was granted to each at the north 
end of the east houselots, and 40 £ allotments in the mead- 
ows. One of them had been a servant, and it is believed that 
all had. Yet these unmarried men, without property, re- 
ceived one-fifth as much land as the most wealthy head of 
a family. 

Among the original proprietors of Hadley, the largest share 
of land was only four times greater than the smallest, and 
after the addition of the three in 1662, five times larger. 
The distributions of land seem to have been satisfactory to 
all, and their equity was never called in question. 

It is supposed that w^hen a tract of land was to be divided, 
there were as many tickets, numbered 1, 2, 3, 4, &c. as there 
were persons to whom it was to be distributed ; and that a 
ticket was drawn for each man, the number determining 
where his lot was to be in the tract. 

There were 4S proprietors (not including Aaron Cooke) on 
the east side of Connecticut River, w^io had the whole of the 
interval land on that side, below Mill River, and about 360 
acres on the west side. The town reserved a lot in each 
division, and is one of the 48. These 48 proprietors all 
received their lands according to the sums affixed to their 
names in the following list. They are arranged by house-row, 
(as they sojnetimes are in the n^cords) beginning at the lower 
or south houselot, on the east side of the street, and proceed- 
ing to the north end, and then coming down on the w^est side. 
The numbers in the second cohunn of figures, exhibit the 
order of the 48 lots in llockanum meadow, as they were 
drawn in March, 1663, and the other figures show the 
quantity of land in eadi lot. Aaron Cooke's estate and lands 
were not separate from Mr. Westwood's. 


















































































































































































































in, 150 


































Mr. John RnBsell, senr, 

Nathaniel Dickinson, 

Thomas Dickinson, 

Mr. Wm. Westwood, 

Bichard Goodman, 

William Lewis, 

Peter Tilton, 

John White, 

Hiomas Stanley, 

Nathaniel Stanley, 

Andrew Bacon, 

John Barnard, 

Mr. John Russell, Jr. 

The Town, 

John Hubbard, 

Thomas Wells, 

Samuel Porter, 

John DickinsoB, 

Richard Montague, 

PhiUp Smith, 

Samuel Smith, 

Thomas Coleman, 

William Partrigg 

Adam Nicholls, 

John Taylor, 

John Ineram, 

William JPixley, 

Samuel Gardner, 

Chileab Smith, 

Joseph Baldwin, 

Robert Boltwood, 

Francis Barnard, 

John Hawks, 

Richard 'Church, 

Samuel Church, 

Edward Church, 

Mr. Henry Clarke, 

Stephen Terry, 

Andrew Warner, 

John Marsh, 

Timothy Nash, 

Wm. & Thos. Webster, sons of John, 150 

Mr. Wm. Goodwin, 

John Crow, 

Samuel Moody, 

Nathaniel Ward, 

William Markham, 

Joseph Kellogg, 

6145 pounds. 

There are some etrrors in tiie acres of the 40 £ proprietors ; and Samuel Moody 
has too many acres. 

Change of Proprietors. — ^In February, 1661, there were 
46 east side proprietors, when the Meadow Plain was divided* 
Nine of these ceased to be proprietors in 1661 and 1662, viz., 
John Webster died in 1661, Robert Webster lived at Hart- 
ford, Elizabeth, widow of Luke Hitchcock, married in Spring- 
field, James Northam died in 1661, Capt. Cullick removed to 


Bodton, Mr. Samuel Hooker was ordained at Farmington, 
1661, Richard Weller removed to Northampton, John Arnold 
lived at Hartford. John Kellogg was perhaps a mistake for 
Joseph Kellogg. (John Hawks died 1662 ; left a family.) 

Eleven new proprietors were added before March, 1663, 
making 48, viz., the Town, which took Mr. Hooker's lots, 
IVm. and Thos. Webster ad one, Henry Clarke from Windsor, 
•Joseph Baldwin from Milford, who married vthe widow of 
James Northam, Timothy Nash from Hartford, Chileab Smith, 
>Samuel Church, Joseph Kellogg from Farmington and last 
ifirom Boston, John Ingram, John Taylor,* William Pixley. 

Meadows on the East side of the River. — The alluvial 
Meadows adjoining the Connecticut, induced men to settle at 
Hadley ; for some years, grants of upland were not asked for. 
There were four meadows besides the School meadows, upon 
the east side of the river, that -contained about 1200 acres,; 
^nd these were allotted toihe proprietors in 1661, 1662 and 
1663, viz. 

I. Forty Acre Meadow,' or Forty Acres, was north o( the 
'village towards Mill Eiver. Hartford had a parcel of meadow 
«o named. When distributed, it was estimated at about 67 
:acres, but contained considerably more. Those who lived in 
the north half of the village had the Forty Acres, and the 
Forlorn and some east of it, in the Great Meadow, as an 
equivalent for Fort Meadow, which the southern half of 
ithe village possessed. 

n. The Great Meadow included all the land upon the 
peninsula or neck, west and south of the homelots. It was 
oivided into 177 pieces or lots, containing according to the 
town measurers, about 710 acres, and averaging 4 acres each. 
Highways running westerly divided the meadow into oblong 
parcels denominated furlongs in the records. It is not far from 
two miles from the street to the extreme north-western point 
of the meadow ; and more than a mile from the street to the 
river where Northampton bridge is. The north-west part of 
the meadow was called the Forlorn,^ and sometimes Honey- 
pot, from the name of a place in the river. 

The Great Meadow was formed into three divisions for 
distribution, besides the Forlorn. One division adjoining the 
homelots, was called the Meadow Plain. Excepting the 
homelots, this Plain was the first land divided among the 
settlers. The lots were drawn the last of February, 1661. 

Below the south highway, now the old road to Northampton, 

'John Taylor's lot on 32d page should be next to that of A. Nicholls. 

t A tract in Northampton, where deficiencies in other lands were made up, was 
called Forlorn. 


a tract of mowing was called Maple Swamp and Aquavitae.* 
The latter name was at first Aquavitae Bottle, from a fancied 
resemblance in the shape to a case-bottle. 

ni. Fort Meadow, south of the village, and most of it north 
and west of Fort River, was estimated to contain 147 acres, 
besides some south of the river and some low swamps. Those 
who lived in the southern part of the village had this meadow 
at the rate of 6 acres to the 100 pounds. Those in the 
northern part of the village had as an offset 6 acres and 143 
rods to the 100 pounds in Forty Acres, and in and near Forlorn. 

IV. Hockanum Meadow, below Fort Meadow, was a lone 
point or neck of land, containing about 293 acres, but reduced 
to 276 in the records, by the process of equalizing. A tract 
called swamp in the south-eastern part, was not included. 
The meadow extended from the eastern lot south-westerly 
about 467 rods, or almost one mile and a half. The width of 
the neck, or length of the lots, was generally from SO to 140 
rods ; a few were shorter near the south-west end. That part 
of the meadow which had become quite narrow, 25 or 30 
rods wide, by the long-continued wearing of the river, and 
through which the river fonned a new channel, on the 25th 
of Februar}^ 1840, was not less than 100 rods wide in 1663. 

The Hockanum lots were drawn in March, 1663, and 100 
pounds drew 4 acres, 73 rods. The number and quantity of 
each man's lot may be found on page 34. Lot No. 1 was at 
the south-west end, and lot No. 48, at the north-east end. 

Equalizing Land. — This was done in some of the Hadley 
meadows. A committee valued the various parts of a tract, 
and decided that some should be received at more and some 
at less than 160 rods to an acre, though most at 160 rods. 
Two acres were given for one in some places ; and in one 
instance, 120 rods were accounted an acre. 

School Meadows, north of Mill River, will be noticed in 
another place. 

Four Meadows on the West side of the river. — It is difficult 
to ascertain the quantity of land in two or three of these, as 
the lands of several proprietors are not recorded. The four 
meadows may have contained as many acres as the four on 
the east side, or above 1200. Considerable allowance was 
made for ponds, swamps and light lands. 

Swamps that produced hay which cattle would eat, how- 
ever coarse, were deemed valuable, but some were too spungy 
and wet, and yielded only worthless aquatic herbs and shrubs. 

* Tliis valuable grass meadow is still named Aquavitae, hut the woi*d is com- 
monly written Aquavita, which is not good Latin. 


I. The Great, North, or Upper Meadow, which was pur- 
chased of Mr. Bradstreet, including a swamp adjoining, was 
separated into six divisions, and each west side proprietor had 
a lot in each division, and some was reserved. 

n. Little Meadow was at the north end of the street, and 
part of it east of the North Meadow. It was in two divisions. 

m. The South Meadow, or " the Meadow adjoining to the 
street," at the south end, was called Wequettayag by the 
Indians, and commonly Great Pansett in the records of Peter 
Tilton. It contained about 430 acres, with little or no waste 
land. The east side proprietors had the west part, called 
205 acres, and the west side had the east part, about 225 
acres, including Indian Bottom. 

Indian Bottom was the name of a tract of land adjoining 
the Connecticut in the South meadow, north of Hadley 
village. When Umpanchala sold this meadow and other lands, 
June 10, 1660, he reserved the Indian planting ground. He 
sold a part of this soon after, and the whole in a few years. 
From this reservation of Indian planting ground, the whole 
bottom has been called Indian Bottom or Indian Hollow, 
Dlost of it is productive and valuable mowing ground. 

The accession to Indian Bottom by the action of the river, 
has been extensive, but the original bottom is not yet doubled 
by the increase of 185 years. Hadley has lost more than 
Hatfield has gained. By the aid of the old records, the 
curved line of the river bank in 1662 can be nearly ascer- 
tained. The old bottom varied from 19 to 40 rods in width, 
exclusive of the western point. The new bottom nowhere 
exceeds 40 rods in breadth, and in some places is much nar- 
rower than the old. [This was written in 1847.] 

Opposite to this grass meadow, the inroads of the river 
upon Hadley have been destructive. The homesteads where 
some of the early settlers lived and died, the lands which they 
cultivated, and the highways which they traveled, have been 
carried away, and more serious consequences have been 

rV. The south-west Meadow, which Northampton sold to 
Hadley, was then called Capawonk, and subsequently, Am- 
ponchus. Little Pansett, Little Pontius, &c. It is separated 
from Great Pansett by Mill River. The west side inhabitants 
had the upper part, denominated the Plain, at two acres for 
one. The east side had all Capawonk, except the Plain; 

• The action of the river upou Iladlcy lands will be noticed elsewhere. 


After being equalized and ponds and worthless swamps reject- 
ed, the number of acres was about 157.* 

Becapitulation of the Distributions of Lands to East side Proprietors :— 
East side land. 

Forty Acre Meadow, ..... 67 acres. 

Great Meadow, ..... 710 

Fort Meadow, ...... 147 

Below Fort River, ..... 16 

Hockanom Meadow, ..... 276 




West side land. 
Little Pansett, • . . . . 157 

Great Pansett, ...... 205 

Total, 1576 

100 £ drew as follows in each of the seven divisions : — 















Acres, rods. 

1. In Fert Meadow, Forty Acres and Forlorn, half had 

5 acres, and half 5 acres and 143 rods,— average, 

2. In Hockanum Meadow, .... 

3. In the Plain, in Great Meadow, 

4. In Plonghland in do. . . - . 
•5. In Last JDivision in do. 

6. In Little Pansett, West side, 

7. In Great Pansett, "... 

25 40 

Each 100 pounds drew 25^ acres of meadow land : 200 £ drew 50i| acres ; 150 £* 

•drew 37i acres ; 50 £ drew 12^ acres ; 40 £ drew 10 acres, 16 rods. £ 6145 drew 

4it this rate, 1552 acres ; and 2d acres allowed for deficiencies in homelots, make 

1578 acres. 
About one-half of the proprietors had seven lots each, and the other half, wh« 

^h:ew in Forty Acres, 8 lots. There were some deviations, a few receiving in one 

•division, their shares in two. 

Recapitulation of the Distributions of Land to West side Proprietors : — 
The number of proprietors who drew lots in the South Meadow and Little 
Meadow, was 22, and the amount of estates, 2500 pounds ; 23 drew in the Nortk 
Meadow, and some land was reserved for others. 
100 £ drew as follows : — 

Acres, rods. 
In 3 divisions in South Meadow, ... 8 144 

In the Meadow Plain, .... 2 55 

In 2 divisions in Little Meadow, . 2 23 

In 6 divisions in North Meadow, 13 159 

27 60 
Each 100 pounds drew 27 acres, '60 rods, or 2 acres and 20 rods more than the 

«aBt side proprietors had. This difference is not explained. The 23 proprietor! 

drew about 700 acres. 

After the township was divided, it was estimated that Hadlev had two-thirds of 

tiie improvable or interval land, and Hatfield, one-third. £fadley had not hr 

£rom 1600 acres, and Hatfield about 800 acres. 

" So they made an end of dividing the country," as in the days of Joshua. 

This important business was performed harmomously. No man claimed or 

received a great estate — no one had above 50i| acres of interval. The vast extent 

of upland was open to all equally for wood, timber and pasturage. 

♦ Pres. Dwight (Travels in N. E., Vol. 1, p. 343,) estimates Capawonk at 
^' eight or nine hundred acres of rich interval." He supposed, perhaps, that 
Capawonk included Great Pansett. The real Capawonk did not exceed 275 acres. 



With the houselots granted by Hatfield, 1670 to 1672. 

Wm. IG mp later 
Samuel Ifield, 

Benjamin Wait, 

John Qraves, Jr. 

Samnel Foote, 

Robert Danka, 

Deerfield Lane. 

Isaac Graves, Jr. 

Samoel Northam^ 
Richard Morton, 
Town lot. 




Highway to- the riyer. 
Thomas Bracy, 
Hezekiah Dickinson, 
WilUam Scott, 
Daniel Belden, 
Samuel Allis, 
Samuel Marshy 
Nathaaicl Foote, 

Philip Russell, 
Estate. Samuel Gillet, 
£ 100 John Wells, 

John Coleman,( 16 rods wide) 




Samuel Belden, 
WilUam GuU, 
Samuel Dickinson, 

1005 lEdward Benton, 

I SNathaniel Dickinson, sr. 

100 5 1 John White, Jr. 

I 2Nicholas Worthington, 

150 Nathaniel Dickinson, Jr. 8 





John Hawks, 

Hill Lane. 

Samuel Kellogg, 4 

Obadiah Dickinson, 4 

Estate. John Allis, 8 

£ 100 Daniel White, 8 

900 Vmiam Allis, 8 

200 5 IThomas Meekins, 8 

1 2Thomas Meekins, Jr. 

60 Ekazar Tnxyp 4 

100 John Graves, 8 

150 Isaac Graves, 8 

50 ( IStephen T^lor, 8 

} 2Baniabas Jffinsdale, 

100 ^ lOzias Goodwin, 8 

I 2Mr. Hope Atherton, 

125 ilZechariah Field, 8 

) 2John Field, 

ffighway to Northampton. 

1505 UohnCowlcs, 8 


1005 IRichard FeUows, 8 

1 2Widow Fellows, 


A committee was appointed, Jan. 21, 1661, to lay out 
booselots on the west side of the river. Richard Fellows is 
supposed to have been the first settler on that side. A few 
families planted themselves there in 1661, and more in sue* 
ceeding years, and the whole number in 1668 may have been 
from 25 to 28. The Hill, so called, west of Mill River, wa» 
not settled till after Philip's war. 

100 ^ Richard Billing, 
I Samuel Billing, 

100 Daniel Warner, 



125 5 IThomas Boll, 8 

\ 2Town to Mr. Atherton, 


The houselots of John Hawks and Philip Russell, and all 
below them, on the plan of the village, were granted by 
Hadley. Those above or north of them were granted by 
Hatfield, of which some were forfeited and given to others. 
Hatfield re-granted the lots of Goodwin, Benton and Bull. 
Mr. Atherton, the first minister, lived on the Goodwin lot, as 
did his successor, llr. Chauncey. Barnabas Hinsdale married 
the widow of Stephen Taylor, and lived in her house. Nich- 
olas Worthington married the widow of John White, Jr. and 
lived in her house. Thomas Meekins, sr. removed from the 
street and lived near his mill. John Coleman, about 1678, 
changed his residence, and lived on the Benton lot, and 
Samuel Belden resided on Coleman's first lot. No one lived 
on the Bull lot for many years. The greater part of the lots 
were of 8 acres ; some were only 4. Those on the east side 
were short in the upper part, the 4 acre lots being 16 rods 
wide. The length of the street on the west side, from the 
highway to Northampton to the north end, was about 340 
rods. The street formerly extended farther south than now, 
against the liouselots of Cowles and Fellows. 

Almost all the lands in the towns upon Connecticut River, 
were laid out without the aid of a surveyor's compass. The 
Town measurers commonly had a measuring chain, and per- 
haps a square to form right angles. Their calculations were 
in general sufficiently accurate, though not exact. The north 
star was sometimes regarded in establishing important lines. 

Town measurers were first chosen in Hadley, Dec. 31, 1660, 
and were Samuel Smith and Peter Tilton. They were to lay 
out all the lands and keep a record of the length and breadth 
of every man's lot, and put stakes in the front and rear of 
every lot, with the initials of the man on his stake, " in some 
distinguishing letters." They were to receive three pence per 
acre for their trouble. 

Peter Tilton was the first Recorder of Lands in Hadley, 
chosen Feb. 9, 1663. With a few exceptions, he recorded 
all the homelots and allotments in the mtervals, with their 
bounds, width and number of acres, in a peculiar but legible 
hand. The lands of John Barnard, Frances Barnard, the 
town lots, and the lands of some proprietors on the west side, 
are not recorded. 

The first regular suiTcyor with a compass, that resided in 
any town upon the Connecticut, was Caleb Stanley, Jr. of 
Hartford. He bought a surveyor's compass a few years before 
1700. Timothy Dwight, bom in 1694, the grandfather of 
President Dwight, was the first surveyor and owner of sur- 
veying instruments that lived in Northampton. Nathaniel 


Kellogg, Jr., bom in 1693, was the first surveyor that resided 
in Hadley. 

The surveyor's compass was used at Pocomtuck, (Deerfield) 
in 1665, by Joshua Fisher, of Dedham. 

The early settlers of New England were acquainted with 
conunon fields in England, occupied by the tenantry of a 
parish or village ; and they established common fields here, 
owned by freeholders. They could not have done otherwise 
in the intervals of the Connecticut. Where every man has 
his share of land in each division, the lots must be small ; and 
if they were larger, partition fences could not be maintained 
against the river Hoods. 

A common field was necessarily surrounded by a common 
fence, except in places where a river, mountain, or fence 
about other land, served for a barrier against domestic animals. 
Each proprietor of a common field was to fence according to 
the number of acres he held in the field, and the place of his 
fence, like that of his land, was fixed by lot. A quantity of 
upland was sometimes included within the meadow fence. 

Tlie Great Meadow was secured by the homelot fences. 
Hockanum Meadow was protected by Mount Holyoke for a 
long distance ; a fence was necessaiy in some places near the 
south-west end of the mountain, and at the north, a fence was 
made in 1663, from Fort Meadow fence " to the mountain 
where it is impassable," above 200 rods. At a later period, 
the fences of both meadows were united, making in all 700 
rods, of which, near 500 rods were on Lawrence's Plain and 
the lower part of Mount Holyoke. 

Great and Little Pansett, on the west side, were fenced in 
1662, from the Connecticut at the lower end, round to the 
Connecticut east of the village. The east side proprietors 
made about 500 rods of the southern part of the fence, and 
the west side proprietors made the rest. 

Hadley ordered, in 1669, that Little Pansett fence should 
be made " with ditch, posts and two or three rails on the 
Bame," or as expressed in another vote, " with ditch and two 
poles or three rails on the same." The broad ditch and high 
bank of earth thrown out of the ditch, were an important part 
of the old coumion fence ; they may still be seen on both sides 
of the river. The ditch was on the outside of the bank and 
rails, for the main object of the fence was to secure the mead- 
ows from domestic animals that roved in tlie woods on the 
outside. — Some of the meadow fences and perhaps most of the 
homelot fences were made of posts and rails without a ditch. 
Fences 5 rails high, and 4 feet 4 inches high, are mentioned 
on the west side. All fences were to be sufficient against 
horses, cattle, hogs and sheep. 

6 • 


Gates in common fences that crossed public highways, were 
necessary appendages of the common field system, and were 
rather troublesome to travelers. Hadley had at first two such 
gates in the county road to Springfield, one called the moun- 
tain gate, near the end of the mountain, and the other, near 
the north-west corner of Fort Meadow. There were gates Of 
bars in all highways into common fields, in the village and 
elsewhere. Bars were not common. If a person left open 
the gate or bars of a meadow, he was to pay 2s. 6d. Some 
meadow gates in county roads, continued down to the present 

In 1663, every man was ordered to bound his land with 
meernstones ; and those whose laud adjoined, were to be 
called, to see the meer-stones set down betwixt them. 


Highways — Bridges — Ferries — Grist-mills — Bolting-mills — Saw-milla and sawing' 

boards by baud. 

The early settlers of Hadley first designated the street and 
highways, and then laid out the lots of land contiguous to- 
them. The supposition that the ways in this and other old 
towns were laid over the land of mdividuals is without the 
least foundation. 

In 1665, Peter Tilton recorded the street and eleven other 
highways in Hadley, all in the village and meadows. He 
seems to have considered the north highway into the woods^ 
as a continuation of the broad street. In 1667, the town 
ordered a passable cart-way to be made along the Forty Acres 
to Mill brook, — the first road ordered by the town on the 

Before Hadley was begun, the Northampton people had a 
way to Windsor and Hartford through Waranoke, (afterwards 
Westfield ;) and they also had a way to Springfield on the 
east side. Mount Tom was an obstruction on the west side. 
They crossed the river to Hockanum meadow, and perhaps 
higher also. The people of Hadley made use of both of these 
roads ; and they continued the Sj)ringfield road up to their 
plantation. They selected a route along the side of Mount 
Holyoke, below the steep part of the acclivity, some distance 


Bbove the present road, and this was traveled more than 80 
years. Some of the ground at the foot of the mountain was 
•considered too wet and queachy for a highway. 

There were complaints of bad and dangerous places in the 
highways, and the County Court appointed a committee, in 
March, 1664, to lay out highways on both sides of the river 
Jjetween Hadley and Windsor, and to determine by whom 
they should be repaired. The men were George Colton and 
Benjamin Cooley of Springfield, Henry Woodward and Capt. 
Aaron Cooke of Northampton, and Andrew Warner and 
William Allis of Hadley. Five made their return, a copy of 
which follows, from the records of the county court : — 

Nortbaznpton, Maj yo 2l8t 1664. Wee doe a^rce and determine that ye high- 
way from Hadley towne's end, on ye cast side ofye grc^t river, to ye Fort meddow 
gate, mnning as it now lyes, bee in breadth six rodds, and from thence to ye 
lower end of ye sd meddow in breadtli two rods, and from thence (ye way lying 
^iU as it doth,) to ye end of Mount Ilolyoke* in breadtii ten rodds, and from 
thence to Scanunj^anunk as ye cartway now nms in breadth twenty rodds, and 
from thence to Springfeild to the upper end of the causey going dorni into ye 
towne, six rodds, and from ye lower end of Springfeild to Longmoddow gate, 
jrnnniDg where it now doth, in breadth foure rods, and from ye Longmeddow gate 
to the bridge at ye lower end by the river's bank shall be in breadth two rods, 
and from ye lower end of the said meddow unto Freshwater river soe called, as 
the way now runs foure rodds, and from thence to Namerick where John Bissell 
had a bame standinge, as now the way runs, twenty rods, and from thence to 
Namerick brook where will best suit^ for a bridge, two rods, and from thence to 
the dividing lyne betweene the Collonycs, where ye horseway now lyes two rods. 
And from tne said dividing lyne on tlie we^t side of ye river towards Waranoak, 
in the way that is now improved, comonly called ye new way, that is to say, 
to two miles brooke fourty rods, and from thence to Waranoak hill where the 
trading house stood, twenty rods, and from tlience to ye passage of ye river where 
Te way now lies six rods, and from thence through ye other meddow to ye great 
nill as the way now lyes six rodds, and from thence to Munhan river forty rods, 
and from Munhan river to ye lotts now laid out nocre ye Mill nver fourty rods, 
and frt>m thence to Uie town of Northampton ifourc rods, and from Northampton 
along by the comon fence side unto ye great river six rods in breadth, & from ye 
lirer side just opposite on ye east side, to run cross to the middle way that Icades 
to ye centre of Uadley towne two rods, and soe to Hadley towne two rodds, 
allowing for the conveniency of landing places, an acre of land on each side of 
the river, to be in length twenty rods and in breadth eight rods, \'iz on North- 
ampton side upp ye river from ye fence and on ye other side up <&. down the river, 
eacn towne to make its own landing place. The iferry to be appovnted by the 
next county Courte, and in ye meanetyme yt the way through Northampton may 
be improved as formerly. And further we judge and detemune that the towne of 
Hadley shall make and maint;iyne all yo highwayes and bridges from their towne 
to Scanunganuuk, and Springfeild shall make &. maintayne ye bridges &. wayes 
from Scanunganuuk to the fbote of the [falls,] and in uise it ap{)eares to be our 
collonyes right, over Namerick brooke, that the way bo made and mayntayncd 
by this county. And the wayes find bridges from the laiuling place at the great 
river [in Northampton] unto the top of Waranoak hill to be made and mayn- 
tayncd by North Hampttjn, and from thence tmto Windsor to be made and mayn- 
tayncd by Hadley & Northampton nnitually. And furtlier wee determine yt if 
Hadley &, NorUiampton eytlier or both of them shall at anv tyme hereafter see 
cause to desert the highway they now use and shall niaKe the way through 
Springfield their comon roado to Windsor for carting, then eyther or both shall 

The mountain undoubtedly bore thio name iome years before 1664. 


contribute to yc mending the brid^ at Long moddow. And for these seTeral 
wayes & bridges to bo made and repaired sufficient for travell with carts, wee 
determine that they be done by the sevcrall townes respectively at or before ye 
sixth day of June next, as also yt such stones as arc moveable in Scanungannnk 
river be tiurucd aside out of the cartway and ye cluirge thereof to be paid by the 
County Treasurer. 




These were the first county roads in Hampshire. Tliey 
followed the ways previously used by the early settlers. 
These three towns maintained for some years two roads near 
40 miles each, from Hadley and Northampton to Connecticut 
line, which was then supposed to be south of the present 
north luie of Windsor. Northampton and Hadley sent men 
and perhaps teams, to repair roads where Suffield now is* 
They were complained of in September, 1G68, for defective 
way between Waranoke and Wuidsor. They amended the 
defects, and were discharged in March, 16G9, on paying the 
recorder's fees. The large streams, Chickopee, Manhan, 
Waranoke and others had no bridges. It was hard carting on 
such roads.* 

Scanungannnk, where the road crossed the Chickopee, was 
not far from the present Chickopee Factories. Hadley made 
some efforts in 1665 and after, for a road near the Connecticut, 
through the low land. Such a road was laid in 1673, cross- 
ing Chickopee river at the Islands near Japhet Chapin's. 
Hadley tlms gained access to the Connecticut near the head 
of boat navigation, below the Willimanset Rapids, and carted 
produce down to the boats. 

The passing between Hadley and Northampton was by the 
ferry at the lower end of Hadley street, and Northampton 
meadow. The road across Hadley meadow, proposed by the 
committee of 16G4, was opposed by the town, and never 
made. The two towns agreed in 16G5, to have the road 
continue in Northampton meadow. — The travel between 
Springfield and Northampton, for a number of years, was 
chiefly through Hadley village. 

The Bay Road, or road towards Boston, has been in diflTer- 
ent places in Hadley. In early days, there was a " Nashaway 
Path" north of Fort River, which still bears the old name. 
In 1674 and many years after, the Bay Road crossed Fort 
River, near the south end of Spruce Hill. The road was laid 
out where it now is after 1GS8, but no record of the change 
is found. 

^ The complaint about transportation, on the 2^ page, was well founded. 


The Bay Road, which was used by Hadley and Northamp- 
ton, met the Springfield Bay Road at Quabaii^ (Brookfield,) 
where a few English families settled about 1G64, and where 
travelers often lodged. The Hadley road at a later period, 
and probably in early days, crossed Ware River and Coy's 
Hill north of the present Ware Village. East of Quabaug, 
there were at least three ways leading from the Bay towards 
the Connecticut — ^through Nashua (Lancaster,) Quinsigamond 
(Worcester,) and Hassanamesit (Grafton.) 

In December, 1661, Hadley voted 45 shillings, "towards 
laying out a commodious way to the Bay by Nashaway." In 
September, 1681, some men came from Lancaster to Hadley, 
to treat about laying out a way " from thence hither." A 
conunittee was chosen to confer with them, and with the 
committees of Northampton and Hatfield. 

The fires of the Indians had destroyed most of the under- 
brush, the woods were open, and forests were crossed without 
much diflBculty. Streams, hills and swamps impeded the 
traveler. The Indians had paths between their villages and 
tribes, which were sometimes followed by the English. They 
were only a foot wide, according to Johnson, and " seldom 
broader than a cart's rut," accordhig to Wood, referring to 
the beaten path made by their feet. They traveled in " In- 
dian file." 

The old way^ to Quabaug and Nashua were only paths 
for men and horses. In 1692, Hatfield chose a man to 
join with some of Northampton and Hadley, " to lay out a 
way to the Bay for horses and carts, if feasible." It was not 
feasible, and wheels and runners did not pass O^om Hadley to 
Boston for many years after 1692. 

The first bridge built in Hadley for horses, oxen and carts, 
was over Fort River, on the Springfield road. A committee 
-wsa chosen to build it, Sept. 4, 1661. The second bridge 
over this stream, on the road to Hockanum meadow as well 
as to Springfield, was ordered Aug. 28, 1667, and was to be 
lower down than the old one. The third bridge over the 
same stream, on the same road, was voted Sept. 16, 1681, and 
was to be below the old one, " in the highest and most advan- 
tageous place." It cost £44.15.3. 

The County Court in Mai'ch, 1674, blamed Hadley for not 
joining Northampton in laying out a way to Quabaug, and 
required Hadley to build " at least a foot bridge," over Fort 
River, on the way to Quabaug. On the 12th of February, 
1675, the town voted to build a cai-t-bridge, and this was the 
first bridge on the Bay road. It was near the south end of 
Spruce ifill, and was much used by the troops in Philip's war. 


In January, 1688, a committee was chosen to consider whether 
it was best to build a new bridge or repair the old one* 
Between 1688 and 1699, a new Bay road was laid, where it 
has since remained, and a new bridge was built near where 
the bridge and Smith's mills now are, about half a mile below 
Spruce Hill. There is no record of the laying out of this 
road, nor of the building of the bridge. Most of the records 
are missing from April 10, 1688 to January, 1690. This 
bridge was called Lawrence's bridge. 

On the 14th of January, 1684, the town voted to build a 
bridge over Mill River at the mill, " by tressels or otherwise 
as the selectmen and Samuel Porter, senior, shall judge best.'* 
It cost only ^e 11.17.9. 

These bridges were built by calling out the people to labor, 
every man according to his estate. Other public works were 
done in the same manner. The price of labor was from 28. to 
2s. 6d. per day. Those who did not labor, paid in grain, &c. 

In 1672, John Smith of Hadley, was directed by the Court, 
** to fell a tree across Swift River, for a foot bridge, if any such 
be near at hand.'* Such foot bridges were not uncommon. 

In October, 1686, one of the Fort River bridges was partly 
burnt in a time of drouth, apparently by fire from the woods. 
The Selectmen prohibited the firing of woodland fields. 

A small homelot in Hadley, below the south highway into 
the meadow, was reserved as a ferry lot, and in 1661, the 
town made an agreement wifch Joseph Kellogg to keep the 
ferry between Hadley and Northampton, and he built on the 
ferry lot. The attempt in 1664 to have a ferry on the North- 
ampton side, in connection with a road in Hadley meadow, 
did not succeed. 

In January, 1675, a committee appointed by the Court 
made an agreement with Joseph Kellogg. He was to have a 
boat for horses and a canoe for persons, and to receive for 
man and horse, 8 pence in wheat or other pay, or 6 pence in 
money ; for single persons, 3 pence, and when more than one, 
two pence each. On Lecture* days, people passing to and 
from Lecture were to pay only one penny each, if 6 or more 
went over together. Troopers passing to and from trooping 
exercises, were to pay only 3 pence for man and horse. 
Kellogg might entertain travelers. 

In 1687, another agreement was made with Joseph Kellogg. 
The fare for horses, men and troops was the same as in 1675. 
Lectures not mentioned. After day-light till 9 o'clock, he 

•Circular wceklj Lectures were probabl}' commenced in these towns some 
years before. 


might take double price. At later hours, and in Btorms and 
floods, those who would cross, must agree with the ferryman. 
Kellogg was still allowed to entertain strangers. Others 
might not carry over i>ersons within 50 rods of the ferry 
place, except men to their day-labor. — Joseph Kellogg, and 
his son John Kellogg, and his grandson James Kellogg kept 
this ferry until 1758, almost a century ; and Stephen Good- 
man, who married a daughter of James Kellogg, kept it still 
later, and from him it received its last name, " Goodman's 

The river waa formerly near the lower end of the street, 
and the landing was not far from Kellogg's house. Aquavitae 
meadow has received a great addition from Northampton 
meadow, and the enlargement continues against and below 
the end of the street, and the river is now 45 or 50 rods south 
of the old landing place. 

There is no record of a regular feny at the north end of 
the street, between Hadley and Hatfield, until 1692. Many 
on the east side owned and cultivated land on the west side, 
and canoes and boats were* frequently passhig. There were 
more lively scenes on the Connecticut in those days than now. 
— John Ingram appears as ferryman at the north end in 1692, 
and the ferriage m 1696 was 4 pence for a man and horse, 
3 pence for a horse or homed beast, and one penny for a man, 
if paid down in money. If not so paid, Ingram might demand 
double, or do as they could agree. John Preston succeeded 

A Grist-mill, (more often called by the English and our 
fiithers, a Cora-mill,) was built in Hadley, in 1661, west of 
the Connecticut, upon Mill River. The stream in Hatfield, 
Hadley and many other towns, upon which the first mill was 
built, was named Mill River or Mill Brook. Hadley chose a 
committee to treat with Goodman Meekins about building a 
mill, on the first of April, 1661, and in December, the town 
voted that they would have all their grain ground at his mill, 
•'provided he make good meal," and they gave him 20 acres 
oi land near the mill for building it. Thomas Meekins was a 
mill-wright and assisted to build mills in other towns. — On 
the 8th of November, 1662, the cast side inhabitants agreed 
^th Thomas Wells and John Hubbard to carry their grain 
over the river to the mill, on certain days of the week, and 
bring back the meal, at three pence per bushel, to be paid in 
wheat at 3s. 6d., and Indian corn at 2s. 3d. per bushel. 

In 1665 and 1667, the people of Hadley, on the east 
side, thought of building a coni-mill upon their own Mill 
Biver, about three miles north of the village. About 1670, 


William Qoodwin, one of the trustees of the Hopkins dona- 
tion, conceiving that a corn-mill would jrield a good income 
to the Hadley Grammar School, invested a portion of the 
donation in building a mill at Mill River. In October, 1671, 
the town gave a piece of land near the mill as a houselot for 
the miller. In Philip's war, the mill was garrisoned at times, 
and was preserved until September, 1677, when it was burnt 
by the Indians, who had made an attack upon Hatfield. The 
people of Hadley again resorted to Hatfield mill. 

The committee or trustees of the Grammar School, de- 
clining to rebuild the mill, it was rebuilt by Robert Bolt- 
wood, encouraged by the town, about 167S or 1679. The 
committee of the Grammar School obtained it in 1683 ; 
Samuel Boltwood had it in 1685 ; and it was again delivered 
up to the trustees of the Hopkins School in 1687, in whose 
possession it remained. 

The mill and dam were rebuilt in 1692, after the great 
February flood of that year ; a new mill became necessary in 
1706, and another in 1721. 

Some of the mill-stones used* in this valley in early days 
were of the red sandstone, called pudding stone, judging 
from fragments that remain. Other kinds of stone may have 
been used. When the School Mill was rebuilt in 1692, 
several days were spent in " looking for mill-stones," and one 
stone was purchased of John Webb of Northampton, for 8 
pounds. It was probably sandstone from Mount Tom. In 
1666, John Pynchon gave John Webb of Northampton, 20 
pounds for a pair of mill-stones delivered at Springfield. 

The School tnistees employed John Clary as miller in 
1683. In November, 1687, Joseph Smith, the cooper, began 
to attend the mill, and had the care of it until old age, 
alone or with his sons. He had one-half the toll, and the use 
of a house and some land, and pay for his labor on the mill, 
excepting small repairs. The whole toll for 6 or 7 years, 
averaged only 26 pounds a year, chiefly wheat and Indian 
com. Joseph Smith was the first permanent resident at Mill 

Bolting-mills moved by water were hardly known in Eng- 
land, when our fathers emigrated about 1630. They were 
moved by hand. Families sifted or bolted their own meal, or 
used it unbolted. In New England, for 100 years aiter 1630, 
there were no bolters carried by water. The separation of 
bran from flour was the work of the family, and of the baker, 
and of those who sent flour to market. In Hadley, much 
flour was packed in barrels and sent down the river, and the 
meal was all brought from the mill to the village and bolted. 


Several persons had what was called a bolting-mill, as John 
Smith, William Partrigg, Philip Smith, Richard Montague, 
Mr. John Russell, Jr. and Timothy Nash. It required a frame 
and 10 or 12 yards of narrow bolting-cloth for one of these 
domestic bolting-mills. Richard Montague is said to have 
been a baker, and his boltnig-mill was valued at 60 shillings 
in 1680. His widow sometimes bolted flour for others, by 
the barrel. Most housewives were satisfied with hair sieves ; 
some had bolting-cloth sieves. Lawn sieves are mentioned 
after 1700. — Flour was sold in large barrels by the 112 lbs. 

Boards had always been sawed by hand in England and not 
by saw-mills. There was no saw-mill in Virginia, when that 
colony had been settled 40 years. There were no saw-mills 
in the old towns in the colonies of Massachusetts, Coimecticut 
and New Haven, for some years after their settlement. 
Boards, plank and slit-work were sawed by hand. The 
wages of sawyers were regulated by the colonies, for a few 
years, and also by Hartford, Springfield and other towns. In 
New Haven, the " top-man" who was on the top of the log 
and guided the work, had a little higher wages than the 
" pit-man" who was in the saw-pit below. Two men were 
expected to saw about 100 feet of boards in a day, when the 
logs were squared and brought to the pit. The first saw-mill 
in Springfield was built by John Pynchon, in 1667, after the 
town had been settled 31 years. He had previously paid to 
hand-sawyers two shillings per day for sawing many thousands 
of boards. 

The early settlers of Hadley built houses and some commo- 
dious ones before they had the aid of any saw-mill. As 
Northampton had sawyers and saw-pits, it may be concluded 
that Hadley had them also, though they are not noticed in the 
records. The clap-boards of those days, which were split out 
like staves, helped to supply the deficiencv of sawn boards. 

Hadley gave to Thomas Meekins and Robert Boltwood, 
liberty to set a saw-mill on Mill River, on the east side, 
Jan. 27, 1662, and they might fall pine and oak timber, except 
rift timber, in the Great Swamp beyond this river, and within 
80 rods of the mill, on this side. The mill seems to have 
been built about 1664 or 1665, and the town probably had to 
depend on pit-saws only 5 or 6 years. Thomas Meekins had 
a saw-mill on the west side, about 1669. 

Boltwood's saw-mill did not continue many years, and he 
gold his right to the place to three men in 1674. If they 
built a mill, it did not long remain. On the 12th of February, 
16S4, when they were destitute of a saw-mill, the town 



granted liberty for three, in one day, viz., one on Mill River, 
one south of Mount Holyoke, and one on Fort River, above 
where Dickinson's tannery now is. 

The first saw-mill erected in New England, was on a branch, 
of the Fiscataqua, about 1633^ The workmen were Dane&. 


First Meeting-house — ^Bells — ^Mr. Russell, the first Minister — Salaries of miniff-- 

tcrs — ^Hadley Church. 

A house where the people might meet for public worship 
and religious instruction, was an early object of attention itt 
Hadley, as in most other places in New England. On the 
t2th of December, 16G1, the town ordered as follows: — 

" The town have ordered that they will build and erect a meeting-honse, to be 
a place of public worship, whose figure is, (in length and breadth,) 45 feet in- 
length and 24 feet in breadth, with Lcantors [Leantos] on both sides, which shall 
enlarge the whole to '^6 in breadth. 

Tlie town have ordered that the meeting-house abovcsaid, when prepared, shall 
be situated and set up in the common street, l)et\^'ixt Mr. Terry's house and 
Hichard Montague's, in the most convenient place, as the committee chosen by 
the town shall dotcnnine. 

The town have ordered Mr Ru8.sell, Mr. Goodwin, Goodman Lewis, Goodman 
Warner, Goodman Dickinson, Goodman Meekins and Goodman Allis, a commit- 
tee for the aforesaid occasions." 

Leanto is a significant English word, indicating a part of a 
building that seems to lean to, or upon a higher part. It was 
often used in reference to private buildings. — The house was 
to be erected in the northern part of the street, to accommo- 
date the west side inhabitants. It was not built for several 
years. The work may luive been delayed by the difficulties 
with Mr. Bi-adstreet and the pajrment of 200 pounds to him.. 
On the 27tb of August, 1663, the town voted to set about 
building the meeting-house, and chose a new committee, viz., 
Mr. Clarke, Lieut. Smith, Mr. Westwood, John Barnard, 
Nathaniel Dickinson, Thomas Meekins and Isaac Graves. 
They were to manage the work, order the form, call out men, 
and set the wages of men and teams. Meanwhile, the people 
did not neglect to meet on the first day of the week. A 
house was hired, and Dec. 10, 1663, Mr. Goodwnn and John 
Barnard were chosen to seat persons in it " in a more comely 
order," and it was voted to hire the house another year- 

Hiffromr of hadlet. 61 

About two years later, Nov. 7, 1665, the meeting-house was 
said to be framed, but not raised. After it was raised and 
covered, the inside work was delayed, probably in consequence 
of the west side inhabitants desiring to oe a separate parish, and 
seats were not voted till Feb. 21, 1668. The building seems 
not to have been completed till Jan. 12, 1670, when the town 
chose the two deacons, the two elders and Mr. Henry Clarke, 
to order the seating of persons in the meeting-house. Every 
person seated was to pay a part of the expense for making his 
«eat. 128 seats for 128 persons, male and female, were paid 
for, at 3s. dd. each. These 128 persons were heads of femilies 
or at least adults. 

The form and dimensions of this house cannot be known 
from records nor tradition. The second committee had power 
to model it as they pleased, and they deviated considerably 
from the vote of Dec. 12, 1661. They appear to have rejected 
the leantos and to have made the upper part as wide as the 
lower. There was doubtless a turret, or place for a bell, 
rising from the center of the roof, as in most early New 
England meeting-houses. Galleries on the north ana south 
sides of the house were voted Jan. 9, 1699, and a gallery, 
"which must have been on one end, is referred to as partly 
built. This vote shows that the ends of the house were east 
and west and that the pulpit was at one end, apparently at 
the west end. There is no reason to suppose that the length 
of the house much exceeded the breadth. Some seats had to 
be altered, to make a " more commodious passage up into the 
galleries." The seats were probably long seats, like others of 
that age, holding 5 or 6 persons each. They were to be built 
*• with boards and rails." lu those days, a few pews, square 
or oblong, were built against the walls of some meeting- 
houses, but pews in general were of later introduction. For 
a long time, men and women occupied different seats* in 
Hadley, as elsewhere in New England. In nearly all meeting- 
houses, when the minister faced the congregation, the males 
"were on his right, and the females on his left, on the lower 
floor, and in the galleries. The singers were mingled with 
the others, and all singing was congregational. 

The town voted, Jan. 11, 1672, "that there shall be some 
Bticks set up in the meeting-house in several places, with 
some fit persons placed by them, and to use them as occasion 
shall require, to keep the youth from disorder." The youth 
were often troublesome in the old meeting-houses. 

* This old custom of separating the sexes, I have noticed in Methodist choichea 
wiUun 15 or 20 years. 


A few months after the meeting-house was finished, Sept. 
3, 1670, the town voted to buy the bell brought up by Lieut. 
Smith and others, and to pay tor it by a rate, in winter wheat, 
at 3 shillings per bushel. *' If Lieut. Smith gets 4s. 3d. for 
the wheat in Boston, he is paid ; if less, the town is to make 
it up ; if more, he is to repay." The freight of wheat to 
Boston was estimated at Is. 3d. per bushel. The debt for the 
bell was ^£7.10, or about 25 dollars, indicating that the bell 
was small. Henry Clarke, who died in 1675, gave by his will 
" 40 shillings besides 40 shillings formerly given, for a bigger 
bell that may be heard generally by the inhabitants." If a 
new bell was obtained, it was paid for by individuals and not 
by the town. The town voted, Dec. 21, 1676, " that the bell 
in the meeting-house shall be rung at 9 o'clock at night, 
throughout the year, winter and summer." Jan. 13, 1690, 
Mr. Partrigg was chosen to procure such a bell as is at 
Northampton ; the selectmen to make the best they can of 
the old one. 

Hartford began to ring the bell at 9 o'clock, in 1665, " to 
prevent disorderly meetings," &c. This is the first notice of 
a nine o'clock bell upon Connecticut River. — ^In Springfield, 
in 1653, Richard Sites was to have one shilling for ringhig 
the bell for marriages and fimerals. The records of the other 
old towns upon the river, do not notice the ringing of a bell 
at marriages or funerals. 

In the old towns in Hampshire county and elsewhere, the 
turret for the bell was in the center of the four sided roof, 
and the bell rope hung down in the broad aisle, where the 
ringer stood. It must have been so at Hadley. The muiister 
always had the bell rope before him.* 

Mr. John Russell, Jr., the first minister of Hadley, was bom 
in England. He graduated at Harvard College in 1645. 
There had been only thirteen graduates, previous to his class. 
He began to preach at Wethersfield, about 1649, and removed 
to Hadley m 1659 or 1660, where he died Dec. 10, 1692, m 
his 66th year. 

The engagers at first, and the people of Hadley afterwards, 
paid Mr. Russell 80 pounds per annum, but the records of 
Wethersfield and Hadley contain no agreement wdth him in 
regard to his salary. It was apparently 80 pounds, and he 
received allotments of land in Hadley, accoraing to a 150 £ 

* Rev. Jonathan Edwards of Northampton, is said to have used few gestures in 
the pulpit, and to have looked much before him. After the rope was broken in 
the old meeting-house, one of his people obsor\'ed, " Mr. Edwards has looked off 
the bell rope." A beU rope formerly came down in an aisle of some country 
churches in England. 


estate, or a homelot of 8 acres, and about 38 acres of interval 
land. After some years, the town gave liira, in addition, the 
use of the town allotment, so called, which was estimated at 
10 pounds, and he thus received annually 90 pounds. He 
and the people lived in peace and harmony, with mutual 
kindness and confidence until the latter part of his life, when 
a difference between him and a majority of the town, in 
regard to the Hopkins School, produced unpleasant feelings, 
and alienated some of his friends. After the final decision 
against the town, and in favor of the school trustees, in 1687, 
the town voted only 70 pounds per annum during the rest of 
his life, but he may have retained the use of the town's land 
and if so, he received annually 80 pounds. After the reduc- 
tion, no complaint from Mr. Russell, and no bickerings and 
contentions between him and the town, appear in the records. 
After his decease, his widow and sons claimed 40 pounds 
** for what was abated in the rate bills, several years, without 
Mr. Russell's consent," and the town voted 35 pounds, and 
the matter was adjusted to the satisfaction of both parties. 

There is no intimation in the records, that the town aided 
Mr. Russell in building his dwelling-house ; nor does it appear 
that the people ever furnished him with fire-wood. The town 
assisted him to build an addition to his house in 1G62. 

Mr. Russell at Wethersfield was ardent and resolute, and 
sometimes indiscreet, and he had warm friends and powerful 
opposers. At Hadley, he appears to have been an active and 
&ithftil pastor. As a preacher, there is little known respect- 
ing him. He preached the Election Sermon at Boston, in 
May, 1665, from Psalms cxxii: 6. Most of his letters in 
this History were written in the time of the Indian war, and 
some in great haste. His finnness and decision of character 
are seen in his persevering efforts in favor of the Hopkins 
School. His fearlessness and constancy were manifested in 
his protection and concealment for many years, of two of the 
judges of King Charles I., Whalley and GofFe, whom he truly 
viewed as sufferers in the cause of civil liberty. New England 
people generally were friendly to the judges, and believed 
that Charles I. was justly sentenced to death, but not many 
would have been willing to hazard life and property by 
placing themselves in the dangerous situation of Mr. Russell. 

An inventory of the estate of Rev. John Russell was taken 
at Hadley, Jan. 10, 1693. His son. Rev. Jonathan Russell, of 
Barnstable, was admitted as administrator, hi Suffolk county, 
Jan. 17, and a summary of the inventory, and a settlement of 
the estate, were recorded in the Boston Probate Office. After 
paying the debts, funeral charges, expense of tomb-stones for 


Mr. Russell and a former wife, and delivering to his widow, 
Phebe Russell, 106^, most of which she brought with her, 
there remained for the two sons, Jonathan and Samuel, £ 830, 
of which, 305 i£ in real estate was subject to the widow's 
dower. The appraisement was considerably above money 
prices. Mr. Russell's kindness to the judges did not diminisn 
his estate. In the inventory, are three negroes, — a man, 
woman and child, valued at 60 £.* 

Salary of Mr. Russell and others. — ^The salary of Mr. Russell 
was paid in winter wheat at 3s. 3d., peas at 2s. 6d., Indian 
<5om at 2s., and other things proportionally. The cash price 
of wheat did not exceed 2s. 6a., peas 2s., and com Is. 6a. per 
bushel at Hadley. Yet the sum of 90 ,£, or even 80 ,£, as 
Mr. Russell received it, was an adequate and honorable salary, 
and so esteemed. He educated two sons and left a good 

The salaries of ministers in the agricultural towns of New 
England, in the 17th century, were paid in produce, or " pro- 
vision pay," at prices much above money prices, and nearly all 
debts were paid in the same manner. Q-old and silver were 
imcommon m country towns, money contracts were seldom 
made, and cash prices were not often mentioned. The salaries 
of ministers did not average 60 pounds or 200 dollars, if esti- 
mated in money at 6 shillings to a dollar ; and in small towns, 
they did not exceed 150 dollars. But ministers commonly 
had from their people a farm or other lands, a house and fire- 
wood, and with the frugal, economical habits of those days, 
they had usually a good support. Mr. Chauncey, the suo- 
oessor of Mr. Russell, had a salary of 80 £ in " provision pay," 
which he exchanged in 1713 for 60^, or 200 dollars in money, 
and the money was province bills. The salary of the first two 
ministers of Hatfield was 60 jC in produce, equal to about 150 
dollars in money .t 

Several of the early churches of New England had two 
ministers, one ordained as pastor, and the other as teacher. 
Northampton procured Mr. Joseph Eliot as teacher, but the 
people soon grew weary of the expense of supporting two 
ministers, and he removed to Q-uilford. The first settlers of 

* Mr. Russoll and some other ^ood men were interested in the detestable system 
of slavery, in an ago when its injustice and wickedness had not been properly 

t Northampton gave to Rev. Eleazar Mather a salary of 80£ in 1658, and 
Pres. Dwight, who had not examined the old currency of New England, repre- 
sents this as 80 pounds sterling. (Travels in N. £., Vol. I., p. 344.) This is a 
mistake. It was paid in grain and the value was not more than (>0£ in Massa- 
dhnsetts pine tree money. There never was a sterling currency in these towns. 

aiffrORT OF HADLCT. 65 

Hadley intended to have as a second minister, Mr. Samuel 
Hooker, and he signed the engagement to remove. He 
changed lus muid, and was ordained at Furmingtou, Nov. 6, 
1661. He acted wisely for himself and for the people of 
Hadley. On the 26th of April, 1662, Hadley voted to giv6 a 
teaching elder 80 pounds a year. This is the last notice about 
a second minister. 

The church of Hadley is the oldest in the old county of 
Hampshire, except that of Springfield. It is not known when 
the church of Hadley began, but it is a vear or more older 
than that of Northampton. The church of Northampton waa 
formed and Mr. Mather ordained, June 4, 1661 ; and there 
were present, as messengers from the church of " Hadleigh,'* 
Mr. John Bussell, the pastor, Mr. Goodwin and Goodnian 

Those who had withdrawn from the Hartford church, could 
not orderly unite with the Wethersfield members, till some 
time after the council in Boston in October, 1659. Perhaps 
there was no regular church at Hadley till 1660. The Hart* 
ford members were the most numerous. 

The first Ruling Elder of the church of Hadley was Wil- 
liam Goodwin, who had previously held the same office at 
Hartford. He was an able and efficient man. He died at 
Farmington, March 11, 1673. No successor is noticed in the 
Hadley records, l^thaniel Dickinson and Peter Tilton were 
the first Deacons of Hadley church. They were intelligent 
and influential men. A large portion of the heads of families 
on the east side of the river were members of the church, and 
there is reason to believe that they were generally pious and 
excellent men and women. Many of the men were qualified 
for public business. 

The recorders of Hadley and of some other towns were 
sparing of religious titles in the 17th century. ^ Mr. Russell 
has not the title of Rev. during his life in the Hadley records. 
Mr. always precedes his name. The elders and deacons are 
seldom distinguished as such. When a man had a military 
and a religious title, the former was commonly used. 

The dwelling-house of the Rev. Samuel Hopkins, the fourth 
minister of Hadley, was burnt in the night of March 20-21, 
1766, and all the church records were destroyed. They must 
have contained a great deal of information in regard to 
ecclesiastical afiairs. 



The Grammar School or Hopkins School* Schools of New England — Gram- 
mar Schools — Free Schools — Instruction of Females — Schools and Scholars in 
Iladlcy — Scliool Houses — School-masters — School Books. 

Edward Hopkins, Esq., after residing some years at Hart- 
ford, returned to England, and died in March, 1657. By his 
will, made March 17th, he gave a portion of his estate in 
New England to Theophilus Eaton, Esq. and Mr. John Daven- 
port of New Haven, and Mr. John Cullick and Mr. William 
Goodwin of Hartford, to be disposed of by them "to give 
some encouragement in those foreign plantations for the 
breeding up of hopeful youths, in a way of learning, both at 
the Grammar School and College, for the public service of 
the country in future times." He also ordered that 500 £ 
more should made over into the hands of the trustees, in six 
months after the death of his wife. 

Rev. John Davenport of New Haven and Mr. William 
Goodwin of Hadley, the only surviving trustees, made a dis- 
tribution of Mr. Hopkins's donation in April, 1664. They 
gave 400 pounds to the town of Hartford, for a Grammar 
School ; and all the rest was to be equally divided between 
the towns of New Haven and Hadley, to be improved in main- 
taining "a Grammar School in each, but they provided that 
100 pounds of that half which Hadley had, should be given to 
Harvard College. When the money was received. New Haven 
had 412, Hartford, 400, Hadley, 308, and Harvard College, 
100 pounds— -in all, 1220 pounds. Mrs. Hopkins lived until 
1699, and the gift of 500 pounds was obtained, not by the 
schools of New Haven and Hadley, to which it belonged, but 
by Harvard College and Cambridge Grammar School, in 1710. 

On the 14th of January, 1667, the town made the follow- 
ing grant of land, and on the 14th of March, appointed a 
conmiittee to let it. 

" Tlio town have granted to and for the use of a Grammar School in this town 
of Hadley, and to be and remain perpetually to and for the use of the said school, 
the two little meadows, next beyond the brook commonly called the Mill brook, 
and as much upland to be laid to the same as the conmiittee chosen by the town, 
shall in their uiscretion see meet and needful ; provid(;d withal, that it be left to 
the judemcnt of said committee, that so much of the second meadow shall be 
exceptea from the said ^ant, as that there may be a feasible and convenient 
passage for cattle to their feed/' Committee chosen : I^Ir, Clarke, Lt. Smith, 

* The History of the Hadley Grammar School was written in 1847, but is now, 
1857, reduced more than half. I found many of the original papers of the School 
in a lawyer's office in Northampton. 


Wm. AlliA, Nathaniel Dickinson, w. and Andrew Warner.— Note on tho mar^n 
by Peter Tilton :— -" These two meadows, are one the roond neck of land ; and 
£the other] the little long meadow that was reserved by the Indians in the first 
sale and afterwards purchased by itself." 

These two School Meadows adjoin the Coniujcticut and are 
separated by high upland which becomes narrow in the north- 
ern part. On this elevated ridge, the Indians had a fort and 
burying-place. One meadow is east of the ridge ; the other 
is west of it in a bend of the river, and is greatly enlarged by 
the encroachment of the river upon Hatfield. Both were 
estimated at 60 acres in 1682. They now (1847) contain 
with the upland, more than 140 acres. 

On the 20th of •March, 1669, Mr. Goodwin proposed to the 
town, that he would choose three persons, and the town 
should choose "two more able and pious men;" and that 
these five, with himself as long as he lived, should have the 
full dispose and management of the estate given by the trus- 
tees of Mr. Hopkins, and of all other estate given by any 
donor, or that may be given, to the town of Hadley for the 
promotion of literature and learning ; the five persons to 
remain in the work till death or the Providence of God 
remove any of them, and then the survivors shall choose 
others in their place. Mr. Goodwin desired that the school 
might be called Hopkins School. On the 26th of March, he 
informed the town tnat he had chosen Mr. John Russell, Jr., 
laeut. Samuel Smith and Aaron Cooke ; and the town voted 

follows : — 

The Town voted their approbation of Mr. Goodwin's choice. The town also 
Toted Nathaniel Dickinson, sr. &. Peter Tilton to join with the three persons 
beforementioned, as a joint Committee who together with Mr. Goodwin while he 
lives, and after his death, shall jointly & together have the ordering & full dis- 
pose of the estate or estates given by Mr. Davenport and Mr. Goodwin, (as trus- 
tees as aforesaid to Mr. Edward Hopkins) to tms town of Hadlcj, or any other 
estate or estates that are or may bo given cither by the town itself or any other 
donor or donors, for the use, benefit, maintenance & promoting of a Grammar 
fiehool to &. for the use &, in this town of Hadley ; as also jointly &> together to 
act, do, conclude, execute & finish any thing respecting the premises faithfully 
A according to their best discretion. 

Voted also by the town that as to the five persons before expressed, if any 
decease or be otherwise disabk'd through the Pro^nidence of God, the rest sur- 
viving shall have the sole choice of any other in the room and place of those 
enrceasing, to the full number of five persons, provided they be known, discreet, 
pioQs, fiuuiful persons. 

Mr. Goodwin, with the consent of the other trustees, built 
from the Hopkins donation, a grist-mill upon Mill River, a 
little south of the school lauds. No record is found of the 
year in which tlie mill was built, nor of any grant by the 
town of the use of the stream. A liouselot for the miller was 
granted Oct. 16, 1671. Perhaps the mill was built that year. 



It was burnt by the Indiaps in September, 1677, with tiro 
miller's house, the farm barn, fences and other property. The 
trustees of the school declined to rebuild, not having sufficient 
means, and apprehending danger from the Indians. The town 
needed a mill, and as Robert Boltwood was not afraid of 
Indians, a majority of the trustees were induced to dispose of 
the right belonging to the school, to the town for 10 pounds ; 
and the town, to encourage Boltwood to build a mill, granted 
to hin> the mill-place and the remains of the dam, Nov. 6s 
1677, and they granted four acres as a houselot for the miller, 
June 3, 1678. the mill was rebuilt by Boltwood, in 167& 
or 1679. 

Mr. Russell, always solicitous for the prosperity of the 
Grammar School, did not consent to the sale of the mill-place 
and dam ; and on the 30th of March, 1680, he presented to 
the County Court at Northampton, the state oi the school, 
and what had been done by the other trustees, the town and 
Boltwood. The Court decided that the sale by the trustees 
was illegal. " We may not allow so great a wrong." They 
judged that Goodman Boltwood sliould be repaid what he had 
expended, and that the mill should belong to the school. 

At the September Com*t, 1682, the committee of the 
Hopkins School rendered an account of the school estate. 
Mr. Goodwin, before his death, received from the Hopkins 
donation 308^6, from Thomas Coleman 5.£, Mr. Westwood 
13 c£ and Widow Barnard 2£j making 328^. He and others 
expended £ 172.14.4, for a house for the miller, a barn for the 
farm, fencing the fann or meadows before and after the war, 
loss on a house bought by Mr. G., paying a debt of Mr. Hop- 
kins, &c., and the remainder of the S2S£ was expended m 
building the mill and dam, repairing, maintaining the school- 
master, &c. 

The school estate that remained, consisted of the school 
meadows, given by the town, estimated at 60 acres ; 12 or 14 
acres of meadow, (5 acres of it in Northampton meadow,) and 
his dwelling-house and one acre and a half from his homelot, 
given by Nathaniel Ward ; 12 acres of meadow given by John 
Barnard ; and 11^ acres of meadow given by Henry Clarke. 

The Boltwoods, father and son, were resolute men and 
tenacious of their rights, but they did not like contention, and 
on the 8th of August, 1683, Robert Boltwood agreed to sur- 
render the mill and appurtenances to the school committee, 
and they were to pay him 138 pounds in grain and pork. 
They took possession about Nov. 1, 1683. In the year 1684, 
they found that the town challenged some right to the stream 
and land, and there were other difficulties, and they refused 


ifco consummate the bargain. The committee and Samuel 
Boltwood (his father Robert died in April, 1684,) referred the 
matter to John Pynchon and John Alhs, and in consequence 
X)f their decision, March 30, 1685, the mill was delivered up 
to Samuel Boltwood, about May 1, 1685. 

Serious troubles to Mr. Russell and the promoters of the 
'Grammar School next arose from another quarter. As the 
donation of Mr. Hopkins was almost all dissipated, and the 
mill was in the hands of Boltwood, :and the estate that 
remained was nearly all given by Hadley and by individuals 
of that town, the people concluded that the estate miglit as 
well be managed by the town for the use of an English School. 
Some of the most influential men were in favor t)f this course, 
especially Peter Tilton, who had resigned his office as trustee, 
and Samuel Partrigg, who still remained a trustee, and on 
the 23d of August, 1686, the following votes wei-e adopted 
by the town : — 

"Voted foj the town that all that estate of houses & lands bequeathed & pvcn 
by any donor or donors in their last wills and testaments to this town of Tladlcy, 
or to a school in said town or to the promotinp: and furtherance of learning: in 
said town, an the legacy of Nathaniel W^ard, John Barnard, lionry Clark, gent. 
they look on said estate and donations to belong nextly to the town to be im- 
"proved according to the will of the testators ; and therefore take it into their 
niuids to manage, order «& dispose to the use of a school in this town of lladley. 
— ^This had a full vote in the amrmatiTC. 

"Voted by the town that Ens. Nash, "Francis Barnard, Neh. Dickinson, Thos. 
IRarey &. Samuel Barnard are a committee from the town to make demand of the 
fldbooi committee of all the produce, increase &, rents of lands &, estates above- 
said, and accruing thereto, which arc at present in their hands undisposed." 

After these votes of the town, four of the school committee, 
viz., Mr. John Russell, Aaron -Cooke, Joseph Kellogg and 
Samuel Porter, presented to the County Court at Springfield, 
Sept. 28, 1686, the declining state of the Grammar School, 
and complained of some persons in Hadley who obstructed 
the management of the school. The Court ordered that the 
^ands given by Hadley, and the donations of Hopkins, Ward, 
Barnard and Clarke, should be improved for the Grammar 
School, and not for an English School separate from the 
Granunar -School. Mr. Pynchon sent a copy of the order to 
Mr. Russell, and wrote to him a letter, dated Oct. 2, 1GS6, in 
which he mentioned the difficulties he had to encounter in 
getting the order passed. The Court was composed of him- 
self, William Clark of Northampton, and Peter Tilton. Mr. 
Partrigg w^as present and spoke in favor of Hadley. 

" I am heartily sorry, says Mr. Pynchon, that Mr. Partrigg is so cross in the 
inudness of the school : nothing will he done as it ought to he till he he n^moved, 
which I suppose the President and Council may do. It is too hard for the County 
Court to do any thing. Mr. Tilton, fully falling in with him, is as full and strong 
In all his uotioxis as Mr. Partrigg himself, and it is wonderful that any thing 


Mssed. Mr. Clark, thoueh a friend in the bmdness, yet wanted oomare.* Kr. 
Tilton said it would kincUe such a flame as would not be quenched. But if to 
do right, Sc secure the public welfare, kindle a flame, the will of the Lord be 
done.t To get the order passed, I was forced to declare that if Mr. Clark did not 
assent, I would [^ve leare to record it m7self4] But he concurred, the order 
being a little mollified. If Mr. Partrigg will obstruct, it is necessary that he be 
removed by the President and Council, who must do this business ; we are too 
weak in the county court. I am full for it to leave all with the President,^ and 
fflad it is like to be in the hands of them who will powerfully order. I pray God 
ue school may stand upon its right basis, and all may run in the old channeL" 

After the decision of the Court, Sept. 28, 1686, a paper 
was signed by those in Hadley who adhered to Mr. Russell 
and the Grammar School, and accepted the order of the C!ourt. 
The signers were Samuel Gardner, John Ingram, Chileab 

Smith, John Preston, Joseph KelloM, Samuel , Samuel 

Porter, senior, Aaron Cooke, William Marcum, Hezekiah 
Porter and widow Mary Goodman. These with Mr. Bussell, 
made 12 persons in the minority. All the rest seem to have 
gone for tne English School. 

Mr. Russell wrote to President Dudley, and he gave his 
opinion decidedly in favor of the Grammar School. Mr. Pyn- 
ebon received an order from the President and Council, dated 
Oct. 21, 1686, requiring him to examine the school aflairs at 
Hadley, and report. Mx. Pynchon came to Hadley, Nov. 18, 
and sent to Northampton for Capt. Aaron Cooke and Mr.- 
Joseph Hawley. He desired a town meeting the next morn- 
ing, that the town might depute some persons to give an 
account of the school affairs. A town meeting was ordered 
at sun a quarter of an hour high the next moming.|| Capt. 
Cooke and Mr. Hawley came over. Mr. Tilton, Mr. Partrigg 
and others came as a committee from the town meeting, and 
were willing to discourse as friends, but not in obedience to 
the Council's order. The school committee were present 
and gave their reasons,** and the town's committeett read 

* Mr. Clark was in favor of the Grammar School, and at the same time, a friend 
of Tilton and Paring^. 

tThifl is a noble sentiment of Pynchon ; nearly equivalent to the old Latin, 
JUUiustUia^ mat codum. 

X This seems to be the meaning, but it is difficult to read this part of the letter. 

$The despotic government of President Dudley, (soon followed by that of 
Andros,) was detested by most people in this part of the colony, yet some wero 
willing to make use of it, to accompbsh what they considered to be a good object. 
Doubtless the decision of the old Court of Assistants would have been Bimilar to 
that of the President and Council. 

I It must have been a lively time in Hadley, when a town meeting was held 
at sun a quarter of an hour high in the morning. 


The reasons why this estate should remain to support the Grammar School, 
are preserved. They were drawn up by Mr. Kussell, with many scripture referen- 
cses and quotations. 

ft The town's committee were Mr. Tilton, Mr. Partrigg, Ens. Timothy Nash, 
Nchcmiah Dickinson, Daniel Marsh and Thomas Uovey. 

HierroBT op hadley. 61 

two or three long papers in reply. These things and many 
more are stated in a letter to the President and Council, dated 
at Hadley, Nov. 20, 1686, and signed by Pynchon, Cooke and 
Hawley. They request that some speedy course may be 
taken by the Council, '' for quieting the hot and raised spirit 
of the people of Hadley." 

The letter of Pynchon, Cooke and Hawley to the President 
and Council, had the effect intended, and the following order 
was issued : — 

" 37 the Honorable, the President & Council of his Majesty's Teiritoiy &. 
Dominion of New England, in America : 

Upon perusal of the return made by Major Pynchon &, the committee for the 
affiur of the Hadley schooL The President & Council do order that the commit- 
tee for Hopkins Scnool be and remain the feofees of the Grammar School in the 
said town, and that Mr. Partrigg be, and is hereby dismissed from any further 
seryice in that matter. And that the said committee make report of the present 
estate of said Mr. Hopkins and other donations to the school (which having been 
orderiy annexed to the Grammar School, are hercbv continued to that service,) 
unto the next county court of Hampshire, who are nereby empowered to supply 
the place of Mr. Partrigg with some other meet person in Hadley, And that the 
said court do find out and order some method for the payment of Boltwood's 
expenses upon the mill, that the mill, farm and other lands given to the School 
may return to that public use. The President and Council hereby declaring it to 
be beyond the power of the town of Hadley or any other whatsoever to divert 
any of the lands or estate or the smd mill stream, & the privileges thereof (which 
are Wall;^ determined to the said Grammar School,) to any other use whatsoever. 
The PresideYit &. Council iudging the particular gifts in the town a good founda- 
tion for a Grammar School both for themselves and the whole countey, and that 
the Grammar School can be no otherwise interrupted, but to be a school holden 
by a master capable to instruct children & fit them for the university — 

By order, 

ED. KANDOLPH, Secretary. 

Comicfl House, Boston, Becember the 8th, 1686. 

At a new County Court, appointed by Andros, and held 
at Northampton, June 7, 1687, the order of the President and 
Council was read, and a petition and statement from the trus- 
tees of the school. Samuel Boltwood was sununoned to 
appear and show cause why he detained the mill. He pre- 
sented a paper giving a regular account of his father's build- 
ing and sellmg the mill and of the award of Pynchon and 
Allis, which put the mill into his (Samuel Boltwood's) hands. 
Beferring to the award) he says, *^ it seems rational, especially 
for those who profess religion, to stand by what was done" 
or make good their bond. *' What is my just right I plead 
for, and no other." 

The next day, June 8, the Court, after referring to the order of the President 
■ad Council, — Ordered those persons in Hadley who had taken the school estate 
into their hands for an Enfflisli School, to return it speedily to the former com- 
nnttee, the feofees of the Grammar School, viz. Mr. John Russell, Aaron Cook, 
Joseph Kellogg, and Samuel Porter, to whom they added Chileab Smith, in the 
room of Smnuel Partrif g, removed. They also ordered that Samuel Boltwood 
should deliver up the s^ool mill and appurtenances to the same feofees, for the 
maintenance of the school. If the feofees &, Boltwood could not agree as to 


what had been expended on the mill, by him and his £fither, the toll hms cort- 
sidered, then Mr. John Allid and a man chosen by the feofees and another chosen 
by Boltwood were to give in their award & determine what Boltwood should 
liave for the mill. 

The town yielded, so far as to pass the following vote, 
Aug. 29, 1687, which did not please the Court : — 

" Voted by the town that the lands seized and taken into their own hands with 
reference to an English ^School by their vote Aug. 23, 1666, wanting that formal- 
ity in the seizure as might have been — the town do now let fall the said seizure* 
leaving said lands in the hands of the Coumiittee called the School Committee as 
formerTy, withall reserving a liberty to themselves -and successors to make claim 
& plea according to law at any time for the future, for what may appear to be 
their right in the premises." 

The Court of Sessions sent the following letter to the 
Selectmen of Hadley, March 7, 1688, to be communicated to 
the town. The members of the court were John Pynchon, 
John Holyoke, Joseph Hawley, Capt. Aaron Cooke of Hadley, 
Lieut. John Allis. 

Honored Friends 

Having had a sight of the vote of the town of Hadley of August 29, 1687, 
in way of compliance (as we suppose) with the advice of the Court of Sessions, 
held at Northampton, June 7, 16ti7, we judge meet to let you understand our 
sense of it, that it is far short of what we expected and advised to, being at best 
lean in itself, if not a justifying of yoiu^elves in your former precipitant, illegal 
entering upon the school estate, rather than a delivering it up to the committee 
as you were directed actually to do, and forthwith to declare it under the hands of 
those that had acted in entering thereon ; and presuming upon your readiness s» 
to do it, we proposed it to the committee or feofces, if they saw cause to allow one 
balf of the 16 £ that was engaged toward a school master. But what you have 
clone being so short of that directed to, &, so worded as speaks your unsubjeo- 
tion to authority, especially in conjunction ^-ith your other actings, we must de- 
clare it no ways convenient the committee should allow any part of the said 16 jG 
-& that you are accountable for your perverseness towards the school affairs, &. 
for your slighting of siich who have had more regard to your own good & interest 
than yourselves. Such a spirit we see breathing forth from you as will nccessa* 
rily call for some further animadverting thereon, if you do not retract some of 
your actings which we earnestly desire you to overlook and rectify. We would 
not particularize, and yet in way of caution to amendment, mi&:ht mention your 
unkindness and crossness in not granting the use of a house that stands empty 
and your illegal rating of the school estate, contrary to the declared direction in 
idl our books, of colleges, schools, hospitals, &.c. are not to be taxed, which we do 
particularly insist on, for your speedy rectification of what you have disorderly 
done (that we may not have occasion to lay it before his excellency.) Several 
other things are licfore our consideration, wmch we do not mention, hoping and 
expecting you will revise your own actings «& amend, which is the [scope] of 
these lines to prevent any thing that may prove uncomfortable to yourselves, 
being assured tnat a sense of your own crossness, periTrscness, unsubjcction to 
order, & repentance for what is done amiss, will but become yourselves, and is 
the phunest path to your own comfort, which we pray God to direct you in, and are 

Your assured friends. 

We let you know & hereby declare that we forbid the constables and all officers 
from levying or collecting any particular tax toward any town affair, upon the 
iichool estate. 

Springfield March 7, 1687-a 

By order of thia Session, 

[Cornish was Clerk under Andres.] 


The selectmen of Hadley replied to this letter, and in June, 
1688, the Court sent another to Hadley, " enjoining them to 
seek their own peace." 

Samuel Boltwood gave up the mill to the trustees of the 
school in 1687, and arbitrators decided April 26, 1688, that 
he should be allowed 71 £ 10s. for what his father and he 
had expended about the mill, of which sum he had received 
all but nine pounds. 

The bitter controversy was now at an end, and in a few 
years, a good degree of harmony prevailed in the town» 
Peter Tilton and Samuel Partrigg were restored to public 
favor as soon as the arbitrary government of President Andros 
and Council at Boston was overthrown. Samuel Partrigg 
removed to Hatfield in 1687. He had been conspicuous in 
the English School party, and his conduct had been very 
offensive to Mr. Pynchon, and to Mr. Russell and those who 
acted with him. He was a powerful man, and his sway in 
the county of Hampshire, after Mr. Pynchon's death, was 
greater than that of any other man, for many years. 

There is no reason to condemn the motives of those con- 
cerned in these impleasant contentions. The Grammar School 
was a favorite object with Mr. Russell, and he probably 
looked forward to a more elevated literary institution. His 
efforts for the school were constant and untiring. The people 
of Hadley are not censurable, because they judged it inexpe- 
dient to sustain a Grammar School after the Hopkins donation 
was almost all consimied or scattered. They had not families 
enough to require such a school under the law. 

When the people of the town accepted the propositions of 
Mr. Goodwin, March 26, 1669, and used the expression, " a 
grammar school to and for the use and in this town of 
Hadley," they seem not to have intended to give up their land 
to support a school for other towns. 

Schools of New England. — By a law of Massachusetts, 
passed in November, 1647, it w^as ordered that every tovim 
with fifty families should provide a school where children 
might be taught to read and write ; and that every town with 
a hundred families or householders, should provide a grammar 
school, the master thereof being able to instruct so far as to 
fit young men for college. Connecticut adopted this school 
law in nearly the same words. There were previously many 
schools in these colonies, but this was the first law requiring 
them. By a law of 1642, selectmen were to look after the 
children of parents and masters who neglected to train them 
up "in learning and labor." The Puritans, before 1647, 
meant that every child should be taught to read, at home or 
at school, and be able to read the Bible. 


Grsunmar Schools. — ^In England, the distmct object of a 
grammar school was instniction in Greek and Latm, especially 
in Latin. All the scholars were expected to learn Lily's 
Latin Grammar. The custom of forcing all to learn the 
rudiments of Latin, was strongly opposed by John Locke. 

New England grammar schools, with few exceptions, were 
Latin and English schools imited. Some scholars were 
fitted for college, but perhaps nine-tenths were confined to 
English studies. Children were generally taught to read, at 
least in the primer, before they were sent to these schools. 
English Grammar was not taught in the grammar schools of 
Old or New England. 

Free Schools. — ^The law of 1647 did not direct that schools 
should be free. In the towns upon Connecticut River and 
elsewhere, schools were commonly supported partly by the 
parents of the scholars and partly by the town. Schools were 
not maintained wholly by towns, till after much discussion 
and agitation. Those in moderate circumstances, with large 
families, desired free schools. Some of the wealthy and of 
those with no children to send, were opposed to them. Few 
towns were willing to vote for schools entirely free to the 
scholars, till after 1700, and it was many years after 1700, 
before free schools became general in Massachusetts. 

Instruction of females. — The laws of the colony, and the 
votes of towns, relating to schools, used the word " children," 
and did not exclude females, yet it is abundantly evident that 
girls did not ordinarily continue to attend the town schools, 
many years^ in the old towns. There was no contro- 
versy on the subject ; it seems to have been considered 
unnecessary that girls sh#uld be instructed in public schools ; 
and it may have been deemed improper for boys and girls to 
attend the same school, as it still is in England, except among 
the poor. 

There were many cheap, private schools in Massachusetts 
and Connecticut, in the 17th and 18th centuries, kept by 
** dames" in their own rooms where girls were instructed to 
read and sew, and in some, small boys were taught to read* 
Children who did not attend school, were taught to read at 
home, and nearly all could read, females as well as males. « 
Writing was considered much less important, and it was not 
judged necessary that females in common life should learn to 
write ; and indeed the ability to write, would have been of 
little use to them, in former days. Probably not one woman 
in a dozen could write her name, 150 years ago ; and much 
later, at the time of the revolution, very many of those wives 
and mothers whose patriotism is so justly praised, could not 


write, but they could read. Some men of several generations 
made their mark. 

A few girls were sent to the public schools in Northampton 
and Hatneld before 1680, and undoubtedly in most other 
towns. Records do not show why or when they ceased to 
attend. Perhaps they did not cease in all places. Some of 
the newer towns, settled in the last century, were more 
liberal in schooling the girls than the old ones. School dames 
were sometimes paid by the town. Many of the old towns 
were long remiss. Boston did not permit females to attend 
the public schools till 1790, and Northampton did not admit 
them into the town schools till 1S02 ! It was an unheard of 
thing for girls to be instructed by a master, in Ipswich, till 
about 1769. They learned to road and sew of school dames. 

Schools and Scholars in Hadley. — The first recorded vote of 
Hadley respecting a school, was April 25^ 1665, when the 
town voted " to give 20 pounds per annum for three years, 
towards the maintenance of a school-master, to teach the 
children, and to be as a help to Mr. Russell, as occasion may 
require." Caleb Watson seems to have been the first school- 
master. He was here in January, 1667, and probably came 
in 1666. 

On the 21st of December, 1676, the town voted to give the 
school-master 30 pounds per annum, a part from the school 
estate, and the rest from the scholars and town. There being 
great failure in sending children to school, the selectmen 
were ordered to take a list of all children from 6 to 12 years 
old ; all of these were to attend the school, and if any did not 
go, they were to pay the same as those that went, except 
some poor men's children. Jan. 10, 1678, they voted to give 
Mr. Younglove 30 pounds for another year, to be paid by the 
school estate, scholars and town ; and lie was to have the use 
of the house and homestead belonging to the school, and of 
twelve acres of land. Male children from 6 to 12 were to 
pay 10 shillings a year if they went, and 5 shillings if they 
did not go. Feb. 7, 1681, a committee was appointed to get 
a school-master to teach Latin and English ; to give him 30 
pounds a year. Latin scholars to pay 20 shillings a year, and 
English scholars 16 shillings. Those from 6 to 12 that did 
not go, were to pay 8 shilliDgs a year. 

This school was far from being a free school, and the votes 
indicate that the girls and some of the boys did not attend. 
On the first of March, 1697, "the town voted that there 
dioold be a constant school in Hadley ; the teacher to be paid 
wholly by the school committee and the town rat^." This 
was a free school, but it did not continue. Men who had no 



ehildren to send, were dissatisfied, and the town vote^^ 
March 30, 1699, that one-half of what the school estate did not 
pay, should be paid by scholars. This was to stand 20 years. 

The Hopkins School was apparently the only public school 
in the old parish of Hadley, for more than a century, except 
a school for boys and girls voted in 1760 for that year. It 
was the common town school. The master, with rare excep- 
tions, was a man of collegiate education, and he instructed 
BOBfie in Greek and Latin, but naost only in reading, writing 
and arithmetic. When Hadley had 99 families, in 1765, there 
was but one town school. The number of children taught by 
school dames is not known. 

School Houses. — ^Nathaniel Ward, who died ip 1664, gave 
a piece of his homelot on the street, with his house, for the 
Hse of the school. A part of this building was used for a 
school-house many years^- After 1688, a room was hired for 
the school. In 1710, the Ward house was said to be " ready 
to fall down," and in 1712, the school committee, having 
obtained leave from the Court, leased the school homelot of 
one acre and a half, with the buildings, to Doct. John Barnard, 
for 9^7 years, at 18 shillings a year. 

The town voted, July 13^, 1696, to build a school-house, 
25 by 18 feet and 7 feet between jcwnts, to be set in the 
" middle of the town." This was the first school-house built 
in Hadley. It stood in the broad street. 


From 1666 to 1725. 

A few of tke teachen are not known. 

Aboat 1666 to 1673. Caleb Watsun, a graduate of Harvard College, in 1661. 
A nativ^e of Roxbnry. He removed from Hadley to Hartford, where be was 
many years a dLstin^uished teacher. Salary not known. 

About 1674 to 1680. John Younglove, from Ipswich ; was a preacher first at 
Quabau^, and after he left Hadley, at Sufficld. Salary, 30£ and use of house 
and lana. 

1662 and 1683. Samuel Russell, H. C. 1681. Son of Rev. John RusselL Was 
minister at Branford, Conn. 

1685. Samuel Partrigg of Hadley. 3 months. 

1686-7. Warham Mather, H. C. 1685. Son of Rev. Eleazar Mather of North" 
ampton. Was Judge of Probate at New Havea. 

1688-9. John Youuglove again. 6 months. 

1689-90. Thomas Swan, H. C. 1689. From Roxbury. He was Register of 
Probate in Middlesex. 6 months. 

1693-4.^ John Morse, H. C. 1692. From Dedham. Was ministcr at New- 
town, L. L He kept school near a year. 

1694-5. Salmon Treat, H. C. 1694. Son of James T. of Wethersfield. Was 
minister at Preston, Conn. Kept a year. Wages, 39£. 

ter of Jamaica, L. I. Kept one year at £ 30 as money. 

1698-9. Joseph Smith, again. A year or more. 

1700-1. Samuel Melyen, H. C. 1696. Son of Jacob M. of Boston. Was uux^ 
ister at Elizabethtown, N. J. Kept 1 year. 38£. 


I7G1-2. Mr. Woodbridge. Either Ephraim or Samuel. Both gradimted at 
Hanrard College, 1701. Both were ministers. 1 year. 38£. 

1702-3. Nathaniel Chauncey, Yale College, 1702. Son of Rev. Nathaniel C. 
tii Hatfield. Minister at Durham, Conn. 3 months. 

1703-4. Samuel Kuggles, H. C. 1702. From Boxbury. Was minister at 
Billerica. Kept 8 months, at rate of 40£. 

1705-6. Samuel Mighill, H. C. 1704. Son of Rev. Thomas M. of Scituate. 
A teacher in Mass. and Conn. Died in South Hadley, 1769. 1^ year, at 40£. 

1706-7. Jonathan Marsh, H. C 1705. Son of Jonathan M. of Hadley. Was 
imnister at Windsor, Conn. 1 year. 30£ as money. 

1707-a John Partridge, H. C. 1705. Son of Col. Samuel P. of Hatfield. 
Died 1717. 1 year. 40 j£ 

170&-9. Aaron Porter. H. C. 170a Son of Samuel Porter, Esq. of Hadley. 
Was minister at Medford. Kept 6 months, at the rate of 40£. 

1709-10. Daniel Boaidinan, Y. (X 1709. Sou of Daniel Booreman of Wether»- 
field. Was minister at New Milford, Conn. Kept 8 months, at the rate of 26i£ 
as money. 

1710-11. John James. A native of England. Honorary degree at H. C. 
1710. He had previously been minister at Derby, Conn. 6 mon^s, at the rate 
c£ 2^£ as money. 

1711-12. Elisha Williams, H. C. 1711. Son of Rev. Wm. W. of Hatfield. 
Was President of Yale College. 11 montlis, at the rate of 26|£ as money. 

1712-ia Thomas Berry, H.C. 1712. Was a physician. Lived at Ipswich. 
6 months, at the rate of 30£ in money. 

1713-14. Stephen WilUams, H. C. 1713. Son of Rev. John W. of Deerfield. 
Was miniater at Longmcadow. !:( year, at the rate of 34 £ in money. 

1714-15. Ebenezer Gay, H. C. 1714. From Dedham. Was minister at Hing- 
liam. 9 months, at the rate of 2C£. 

1715-16. Nathaniel Mather, Y. C. 1715. Son of Rev, Samuel M. of Windsor, 
Conn. Minister at . Kept 4 months. 

1716 to 18. " Mr. Chauncey 's son." If iie was son of Rev. Isaac C. of Hadley, 
ho was only 16 to 18 years old. I§ year, at the rate of 36£. 

1718-19. Stephen Steel, Y. €. 1718. ^Son of James Steel of Hartford. Was 
imnister of Tolland, Conn. 1 year. 40£. 

1719-20. Solomon Williams, H. C. 1719. Son of Rev. Wm. W. of Hatfield. 
Was minister at Lebanon, Conn. 1 year. 40£. 

1720-21. Hczekiah Kilbum, Y. a 172a He was bom at Wethersfield and 
resided there. 1 year. 40£. 

1721 to 1723. DanielDwiffht,Y. C. 1721. Son of Nathaniel D. of Northamp- 
ton. Episcopal minister at Charleston, S. C. 1^ year, at 40£ a year. 

172^24. Benjamin Dickinson, H. C, 1723. Son of Nathaniel D. of Hatfield. 
A preacher many y^eara. Lived in Hadley. 1 year. 40£. 

1724-25. Israel Chauncey, H. a 1724. Son of Rev. Isaac C of Hadley. He 
was an able preacher, J)ut became deranged, and was biurut to death in a small 
building, near his father's, Nov. 1736. Kept | of a year, at the rate of 40£. 

In March, 1743, Josidi Pierce, H. C. 17:^5, a native of Wobum, began to keep 
the Grammar ^hooi. He was to instruct in reading, writing, arithmetic, Latin 
and Greek. He kept 12 years to 1755, and again 6 years from 1760 to 1766. His 
pay was 27^ £ in N. £. currency, or 91 dollars, and he had the use of 25 acres of 
•neadow land. 

These teachers were almost all educated at coUegCj and 
they generally began to teach soon after they graduated. 
Their year or less tune in the school, commonly included a 
part of two years. Their yearly salary to 1709 was from 
38 to 40 pounds payable in produce at the usual prices, or 
30^ at money prices. After 1709, their wages were paid in 
province bills, commencing with 26§ pounds per annum, and 
increasing to 40 pounds, after the bills depreciated. Out of 
this salary or Avages, they paid for their board, which was 
4& 8d. to 5s. per week when the salary was about 40^, and 


38. 6d. to 3s. 9d. when the salary was 30^ or less. After 
deducting the board, these young men received only 18 to 
21 pounds or 60 to 70 dollars, per annum, in auy thing equiv- 
alent to dollars at six shillings. Northampton gave to her 
Grammar School masters, who were all educated men, only 
80 dollars a year and board, down to the Revolution. Almost 
all were single men in both towns. Mr. Pierce's compensa- 
tion was greater. 

If half the accounts of the tyranny and cruelty of English 
school-masters, given by English writers, are to be believed, 
they were an entirely different class of men from the school- 
masters of New England. Records and traditions furnish no 
evidence of the cruelty or profligacy of any of the old school- 
masters on Connecticut River. Where can more worthy men 
be found than those composing the list of Hadley school- 
masters ? 

In 1682, Mr. Samuel Russell taught the school six months 
for 15^. About 50 scholars attended and paid 4 shillings 
each, except a few tliat paid 6 shillings. He received from 
the scholars ^10, 14s. and from the school committee, ^£4, 6s* 

For a few years after 1677, there was fear of Indians, and 
the School meadows were not fenced till 1680. They were 
let out in 1681. The rent from 1684 to 1700 was generally 
from 6 to 8^, when paid in produce at money prices. From 
1704 to 1706, it was £ 8, 12s. as money. In 1720, the num- 
ber of acres was said to be SO. The school land in other 
meadows, about 36 acres, was leased at 4, 6 or 6 shillings per 
acre, according to quality, when paid in produce at the usual 
prices ; or from one-quarter to one-third less, if paid in any 
thing equivalent to money. 

Hadley School Committee for 50 years. — ^In 1669, the first 
five were Mr. John Russell, Jr., Lieut. Samuel Smith, Aaron 
Cooke, Jr., Nathaniel Dickinson, Peter Tilton. As vacancies 
occurred, others were chosen, viz., Philip Smith, 1680, Samuel 
Partriffg, 1682, Samuel Porter, 1685, Joseph Kellogg, 1686, 
Chileab Smith, 1687, Thomas Hovey, Samuel Porter, Esq., 
Sergt. Joseph Smith, Deac. John Smith. The last five were 
the committee in 1720. 

In new towns, where they had few families and no school, 
it was considered the duty of parents to teach their children 
to read. In September, 1677, Goodman Lancelot Granger of 
Suffield, was presented to the Hampshire Court for the neg- 
lect of learning his children to read. He appeared at March 
Court, 1678, and declared he was using the means to learn 
them to read, and promised to do his best, and he was dis- 
charged. When a Hampshire town was without a school a 


number of months, it was presented to the Court, and two or 
three towns in the southern part of the county were fined for 
their neglect. 

It was ordered by a law of 1642,* that the selectmen of 
every town, should see that none of their brethren and neigh- 
bors should " sufier so much barbarism, in any of their families 
as not to endeavor to teach by themselves or others, their chil- 
dren and apprentices perfectly to read the English tongue," 
and to have knowledge of the capital laws, upon penalty of 
20 shillings. This law was ordered to be enforced in 1668. 

At New Haven, in 1684, the Grammar School was to be 
kept 9 hours in a day in summer, (less in winter,) and 6 dajrs 
in a week. Two hours in the afternoon of Saturday were to 
be employed in catechising the scholars, — a practice in New 
England schools, that came down to the present century, in 
the forenoon of Saturday. 

School Books. — ^The early school books of New England 
"were the same with those of Old England. John Locke, in 
his "Thoughts concerning Education," 1690, says the method 
of schools m England, in teaching children to read, has been 
to adhere to " the ordinary road of the Hornbook, Primer,t 
Psalter, Testament and Bible." These, he says, are the only 
books used " to engage the liking of children and tempt them 
to read." The " ordinary road" was the same in New Eng- 
land, and the same books were used in Hadley and other 
towns. Such books were sold to the people by John Pynchon 
of Springfield, from 1656 to 1672 and after, and by Joseph 
Hawley of Northampton, to his scholars, except Hornbooks, 
from 1674 to 1680, and both sold many Catechisms, and paper 
and paper books for writers. Neither sold Spelling-books, 
nor ooes John Locke refer to a Spelling-book in his treatise. 
They were but little used in the 17th century. Samuel 
Porter, of Hadley, who died in 1722, sold Primers, Psalters, 
Testaments and Bibles ; also Catechisms, Psalm Books, &c. 
Spelling-books, chiefly Dilworth's, were gradually introduced ; 
were not common on Connecticut River till after 1750. 
Arithmetic was taught, but the books were rare. Traders 
sold the Latin Accidence or Grammar. — ^Hornbooks do not 
appear in Hampshire after 1700. They contained the alpha- 
bet^ with a few rudiments, on one page, covered, as Cowper 
says, with " thin translucent horn," to keep them from bemg 

•Thia law is in the printed laws of 1672. 

tOur Primer differed from the English one, but the use in school was similar. 


A book called a Primer has been used by children in schools 
for centuries. Our early Primers were imported from Eng- 
land, in 1644, 1655, &c. and were probably Puritan Primers. 
The New England Primer seems to have been published after 
the Restoration in 1660, and to have been fitted for a child's 
school-book. It has undergone many changes. The Cate- 
chism was formerly published by itselL 


Or£iiary-keepcr8 or Inn-keepers — Retailers of wine and liquors — Selling liqnon 
to Indians — ^Trial of Dr. Westcarr — ^Drinks in the 17th century — Distilling — 
Aquavitae — Intemperance in New England. 

When our fathers came from England, the people were 
addicted to malt liquors, the country was full of licensed ale- 
houses, and an alewifc was a woman, and not a fish. Inns, 
taverns and ordinaries were plenty. Distilled spirits were 
used, but wine and ale were the principal intoxicating bev- 
erages. The English were excessive drmkers, or as Shaks- 
peare says, " most potent in potting." " Drinking is the 
plague of our English gentry," says Peacham in 1622. 
" Drunkenness hath diffused itself over the nation," sajrs 
Camden in 1617. 

The first planters of New England were some of the best 
portion of this wine-bibbing, ale-guzzling nation. They ab- 
horred drunkenness, and intended to be temperate drinkers, 
and they followed the English practice in licensing men to 
sell intoxicating drinks. As ale-houses were in bad repute in 
England, they avoided the appellation, and used the word 
ordinary, which in England signified an eating-house. Our 
early inns in Hampshire were all denominated ordinaries. 
Inns were called ordinaries in Virginia. 

The people of Hadley, conscious of the evil efiects of liquor 
houses, were in no haste to have an ordinary, and when the 
subject was agitated in January, 1663, they proceeded with 
great caution, choosing one committee of ten to consider the 
matter, and to report to another of seven, and the latter were 
to report to the town, who were to choose the most fit man 
to keep an ordinary. The town did not select a mah, and the 
county book does not record the license of any one, until 
March, 1668, when Richard Goodman had his license ^' con- 


tinued," showing that he was licensed in 1667.* After 1668, 
there is no notice of an inn or ordinary in Hadley or Hatfield 
for 24 years, but in . Hadley, Joseph Kellogg, the ferry-man, 
had liberty to entertain travelers. Springfield «nd Northamp- 
ton had houses of entertainment, for the courts were held in 
those towns, and the coxirt-rooms were always in the ordina- 
ries or inns. In March, 1666, Samuel Porter and William 
Lewis of Hadley, were both presented for selling strong 
liquors without license, and fined. It appeared that they 
were induced to do this, because no one in Hadley had liberty 
to sell liquors. 

In 1667 and 1668, Richard Goodman was licensed to sell 
wine and strong liquors ; in 1671, Lieut. Samuel Smith was 
the next retailer in Hadley. In September, 1684, Deac. Philip 
Smith was licensed to sell wine to persons " in real need," 
meaning the sick. In March, 1678, Samuel Partrigg had 
liberty to sell liquors " to the neighbors," and in 1681, " for 
the helpfulnesst of neighbors." In 1685, he had liberty to 
retail wine, and he was afterwards a retailer of strong drink 
in Hatfield. The ordinary keepers and retailers, in those days, 
"were very respectable men. Selectmen would not approve, 
nor the Court license, any other. John P)nichon was licensed 
to sell wine and strong liquors in 1671 ; the Court seem to 
have expected that he would reduce the price ! 

In September, 1674, the Court that was sitting in the house 
of Nathaniel Ely, ordinary-keeper in Springfield, fined him 
40 shillings, for not keeping beer that was according to law, 
viz., made with four bushels of barley malt to the hogshead, 
(63 gallons.) This beer which ordinaries were required to 
ke^, was not so strong as much of the beer used in England. 

The first inn-keeper in Hadley after 1668, in the county 
records, was Hezekiah Dickinson in 1692 and 1693. Joseph 
Smith, cooper, was an inn-keeper in 1696. Luke Smith was 
a retailer m 1700 and an inn-keeper in 1701. Westwood 
Cooke was an inn-keeper from 1704 to 1707. Luke Smith 
was an inn-keeper most or all of the time from 1711 to 1731, 
inclusive. No other inn-keeper or retailer in Hadley, is re- 
corded in the county books that remain, during those 21 years. 

Selling intoxicating drinks to the Indians. — In consequence 
of the drunkenness of the Indians, " the fruits whereof were 

• In 1667, John Pynchon credited to Richard Goodman, for his " account of 
expenses at the General Training" and for other things, £8.2.0. There was a 
General Training in Hadley in 1667, and the officers were entertained by 

tThis kind of " helpfolness" has destroyed thousands of lives and millions of 
property, in Massachusetts. 



murder and other outrages," the General Court, in May, 1657, 
forbid all persons to sell or give to any Indian, rum, strong 
water, wine, strong beer, brandy, cider, perry, or any other 
strong liquors,* under the penalty of 40 shillings for every pint 
so sold or given. The Courts in Hampshire county were 
rompt to punish infractions of this law, and were sustained 
y almost all the people. There were a few persons who 
could not resist the temptation of exchanging spirits for 
wampum and beaver skins ; and sometimes a farmer or his 
wife thought there was no great harm in selling to the 
Indians, a few quarts of poor cider. The Indians were sure 
to be drunk whenever they could get liquor enough for that 
purpose. The following trial of Dr. Westcarr, and some 
other notices, are abridged from the county records :— 

In July, 1670, Doct John Westcarr, of Hadley, was complained of by the 
Indians, for scllinj^ limior to them. Cant. John Pynchon examined him and 
heard the witnesses. Westcarr confessed tnat be had two barrels of liquor in the 
spring, and being asked what he did with it, said he used it for bis own occasions 
and for neighbors who desired him to procure it. He refused to tell to whom he 
had sold any, yet it was all gone but half a cask. He said he used four or five 
gallons at a time in ]3reparing medicines. 

Wequanunco testified that John Westcarr sold him two quarts of liquor in the 
spring when com was so high (which, by his sign, was 2 or 3 inches.) Benjamin 
Wait* standing by, said in a deriding manner, may be it was 2 or 3 years ago. 
The Indian replied, ** no, it was this spring ; what I sj^ is true ; Horns (that is, 
an old man) will not lie. I paid for it in wampum alter two fadom a quart ; I 
paid in black wampum." The same Indian's wife testified that she saw Westcarr 
sell her husband two quarts of liquor. 

Tackquellawant testified that John W>«tcarr sells liquors to the Indians ; " and 
about a month ago, I had four quarts of him and paid him a beaver skin. This 
is truth, and Chabattan and Wottcllosin know it, and saw it." 

Chabattan appeared and said Tackquellawant had four quarts as he testified, of 
J. W. ** I was with him and saw it, and saw him pay a beaver skin for it." 

Nuxco testified : — " I fetched liquors from John Westcarr when the Indians 
were drunken, and my wigM'am was broken and spoiled by the drunken Indians 
this summer. I was before the Northampton Commissioners about it. I had six 
and a half quarts of liauor of J. W. and paid him a great beaver skin of my 
wife's. I also fetched three quarts more, and paid him six fadom of wampum. 
Nuxco says it is a known trade among the Indians, that it's two fadom of wam- 
pum for a quart. 

Mr. I*ynchon bound over Doct. Westcarr to the Sept. Court at Springfield, 
1670. The preceding testimonies were read. Dr. Westcarr owned that the 
Indians so accused him. The Indians afiinued that Westcarr threatened to laj 
them in irons, if they told of him. He denied, but the Indians told him to his 
face that it was true and that they were afraid to speak all. Nuxco and Tack- 
quellawant said he had feared [frightened] them so that they might not speak, 
wamequan said Westcarr did so sji^ak. Squiskhegan said Westcarr was anfinry 
with Mattawan, his son. Mattawan said J. W. told him the Indians were naugnty 
for telling the Northampton Commissioners of his selling liquors, and J. W. took 
away his gun because of it. Doct. Westcarr here said he took the gun for debt. 
Mattawan said he owed him not a penny. Mattawan and Squiskhegan said 
J. W. lied, and that he took away the g^n because Mattawan informed against 
him and he was angry. 

John Westcarr tendered to take his oath for his purgation, but the Court 
refused, and gave their reasons. The Court adjudged him guilt}' of selling at 

* B. Wait had also been complained of by the Indians and fined. 


le^xA 10 qiiaits, and fined him 40£. Ho appealed to the Conrt of Assistants at 
Boston, and was bound in 80£, and Franas Barnard and John Coleman in 40jC 
each, as sureties. 

In September, 1671, it appeared that there had been no issue of thetuiseat 
Boston, the bench and jury not a^prceiug^. The Couuty Court, as ho had been at 
considerable expense and trouble, accepted his offer of tive pounds, and the matter 
was settled. He had been fined SOX in 1667, for selling 15 pints of strong liquor 
to the Indians. In 1674, the Indians again accused him, and he was bound over 
l^ the Hadley Commissioners. At Mjuch Court, 1675, he wished to be tried by 
the jury, except Lt. Smith and P. Tilton who had bound him over. He was tried 
bj tne other 10. The Indians did not appear. He put in his defence in writing. 
And John Smith of Hadley replied to it The jury decided tliat he was *' not 
legally guil^." 

In 1667, a man in Springfield was fined £16 for selling 4 quarts of cider to the 
Indians. In 1672, another Springfield man was complained of for selling cider 
to the Indians. He said it was water-cider. As it was such that an Indian was 
probably made drunk by it, and did mischief, the Court fined him 40 sliillings. 
In 1673, a Korthampton woman was presented for sailing cider to the Indiana. 
She appeared and acknowlodgcd that she sold some sour cider mixed with beer. 
The Court fined her 45 shillings. 

In Sept 1670, the Court say : — ** the woful dninkcnness of the Indians cries 
sJoud to use the utmost laudable means to prevent what may be of that sin amon? 
them.*' In Sept. 1673, they say : — " the Indians are very often found drunk, and 
GToes to all good order and laws." 

The Indians in this valley were miserable, degraded beings, 
when these towns were settled, and it is evident that they 
did not become any better. The Connecticut Indians were 
fliinilar. According to the General Court of that colony in 
Oct. 1654, " the great and crying sin of drunkenness reigns 
amoogst them." The Court attributed this to the sale of 
cider and strong beer to them, which had not been forbidden, 
and these were now prohibited as well as wine and spirits. 
Penalfre, 5 pounds for every pint sold to an Indian. 

In Daniel Gookin's History of the Christian Indians, in 
1677, he remarked — " A very little strong drink will intoxi- 
cate their brains ; for being used to drink water, they cannot 
bear a fourth part of what an Englishman will bear." 

Drinks in the 17th century. — The early drinks in New 
England were wine of several sorts, comprising that called 
sack, beer, including ale, and strong water or aquavitae, which 
was of two kinds, viz., brandy distilled from wine, and a liquor 
made from malt or grain, and named usquebaugh. Wine and 
beer were the principal drinks, until rum was brought from 
the West Indies. Rum was called " kill-devil" by Josselyn, 
and the Gheneral Court of Connecticut, in 1654, tenned it 
•* Barbadoes liquor commonly called rum-kill-devil."* It was 
much cheaper than aquavitae from Europe, and its use became 
much more common. Strong beer was first made of imported 

* This liquor was strangely misnamed. Instead of killing the dcTil, it has 
greatly extended and strengthened his kingdom. Josselyn called it a " cursed 
SqiXMr-" Aquavitae, which signifies, water of life, had also a very wrong name. 



malt, and in a few years, of malt from grain raised herc^ 
Much ordinary household beer was made. Hops grew wild 
in the intervals of the Connecticut. After some years, cider 
was added to the beverages. The second Henry Wolcott, of 
Windsor, had an extensive nursery and orchard, and he began 
to sell cider in 1648, at 2s. 8d. per gallon ; in 1650, the price 
was Is. Bd. and in 1653, Is. 4d. and 30 shillings a barrel. He 
also sold boiled cider. In 1678, cider in Northampton was- 
10 shillings a barrel, and before 1700, 6 or 7 shilhngs. It 
was not very abundant, and beer was a more common drink 
than cider in the Hampshire towns until after 1700. New 
England rum, distilled from molasses, was added to the list of 
intoxicating drinks, about 1700, 

Other liquors, as ftium, perry and metheglin, are noticed in 
New England in the 17th century. There were various prep- 
arations of wine and spirits, as mulled wine, or wine burnt or 
stewed, and sweetened and spiced ; and cherry rum or brandy, 
called cherry-bounce. Flip made of beer, sugar and spirited 
appears near the close of the century, and punch not long 

Malt-houses were early established, and they continued in 
some of the villages on Connecticut River more than a cen- 
tury. John Barnard, who died in Hadley in 1664, had a 
malt-house in Hadley, and another in Wethersfield, and was 
called " maltster." Andrew Warner hired his malt-house in 
Hadley, and it was burnt in 1665. He then built malt-works 
for himself, and was the maltster of Hadley, and his son Jacob 
seems to have succeeded bun. Francis Barnard had a malt- 

Distilling. — Small stills, often called limbecs, were common 
in England more than 230 years ago, and housewives distilled 
cordials, sweet waters and medicinal waters, from herbs, 
flowers, spices, &c. The early settlers of Massachusetts, in 
Boston and the vicinity, had many of these small stills in their 
houses, which appear in their inventories, valued at from 15 
to 45 shillings each. There were some at Hartford and 
Windsor. Several ministers had one of these little stills* 
Andrew Warner of Hadley, had a small still valued at 10 
shillings, and Doct. Hastings of Hatfield, had one valued at 
40 shillings. 

There were larger stills, and spirits were distilled in Massa- 
chusetts, Plymouth and Connecticut, from grain apparently, 
before 1662. This kind of distillation could not have been 
extensive, nor of long continuance. Henry Wolcott distilled 
something called brandy before 1680, perhaps from cider, but 
not much cider-brandy was made in New England till after 


1750. Samuel Porter of Hadley, had a still and worm, in 
1722, valued at 9 pounds. What was distilled in it, is 

Aquavitae was imported into New England in small casks, 
and in bottles packed in cases, perhaps like the gin-cases of 
later days. Such cases were brought to Hadley, and these 
lM)ttles, probably from their shape, gave a permanent name to 
Aquavitae Meadow. John Barnard, in his will, in 1664, gave 
"to a kinsman " my piece of land that liefh in the Nook, or 
Aquavita Bottle." The last word was not retained. The 
contents of these bottles were esteemed very precious, and 
Mary Barnard, widow of John, in her will, in 1666, gave to 
four friends " one glass of strong water" each, that is, one 
t>ottle of brandy each, and reserved other glasses for the use 
of sick and weak persons. — " Aquavitae" and " aquavitae 
bottle" are found m Shakspearc. 

Lechford, who wrote in 1G42, says drunkenness was then 
nre in Massachusetts. Intemperance increased after the 
jmeans of intoxication were more easily procured. There were 
many complaints in the 17th century, that some men ^ont 
their estates and impoverished their families, by excessive 
drinking. In Samuel dough's New England Almanack, for 
1702, are the following lines, which doubtless give a correct 
description of a Boston bar-room, and of some in the country, 
156 years ago : — 

Under December. 
•* The davB are short, the weather's oo!d. 
By tavern-fires, tales are told, 
Some ask for dram \%'hcn first come in, 
Others with flip or bounce begin." 

Under January. 
** HI husbands now in taverns sit, 
And spend more money than they get, 
Calling for drink and drinking -grecdv, 
Tho' many of them poor and needy.''^ 

Intemperance was more common in Boston and on the 
«a-boara than in the agricultural towns, but Hampshire was 
not entirely free from intemperate drinking and its evil conse- 
juences. The County Court, in March, 1675, remark — " it 
IB found by experience that there is too much idle expense of 
precious time and estate, in drinking strong liquors, by many 
of our youtli and others in our towus,^' The Court ordered 
that retailers should sell only to governors of families of 
»ober carriage, " the intent being that such persons as have 
liberty to sell, should use their best to prevent a trade of 
drinking and drunkenness." — John Pynchon retailed brandy 
at the rate of 12 shillings per gallon in 1653, and rum at 6s* 
to 6s. 8d. in 1673. He did not commonly retail wine And 


spirits, but when he had rum for sale, there was no lack of 
purchasers. Rev. Pelatiah Glover, the minister of Spring- 
held, bought of him about two gallons of rum, and six quarts 
of wine, in a year, from 1672 to 1675. Mr. Pynchon, at the 
raising of his mill-dam, in 1654, furnished wine and cakes to 
the amount of 138. 6d. In Hadley, in 1665, the wine and 
cake at the funeral of John Barnard's widow, cost 40 shillings 
— a bad practice derived from England. When the Hadley 
School mill was raised in 1706, 11 quarts of rum at 4 shillings 
per gallon were used. As intoxicating liquors became more 
plenty, their use and pernicious effects became more common. 


Town Meetinj^s — ^Townsmcn^s Accounts — Freemen — Town Officers — Pound — 
Town By-laws — Occupations of the people — ^Petitiona of Hadley, in 1665, 1669 
and 1670. 

The fathers of Hadley intended to have all business done 
in an orderly, methodical manner. In December, 1660, they 
voted that a moderator should be chosen at every town meet- 
ing, and when they chose Nathaniel Dickinson, to transcribe 
all town orders, they directed that the orders made by the 
town, should be read openly in presence of the meeting, 
before it broke up. When Peter Tilton was chosen to record 
town orders, Sept. 1661, he was to receive two pence for each 
order, and he was to forfeit four pence for every order not 
recorded before the next meeting. Mr, Tilton was a system- 
atic, well educated man. 

In January, 1662, the following rcgnlations for town meetings were Toted by 
the town — ^AVaniings were to be accounted legal, when each inhabitant had haid 
notice by telling mm, or some of his family, or by leaving word at his house, at 
least the erening before the meeting ; otherwise not legal. Every person not 
coming to the meeting within lialf an hour of the appointed time, was to forfeit 
6 pence, and not coming within an hour, 12 pence, unless excused at the next 
meeting, after giving a rationnj plea for absence. If the major part of the voters 
did not apj)ear within an hour, those present mi^ht go away and attend to their 
own occasions, but if a major part anpearcd, it was a legal meeting. "The 
townsmen before every town meeting snail choose one of themselves to be mod- . 
erator, who shall have the ortlering of the meeting, of speech and silence therein," 
and no person shall depart without leave of the moderator, under the penalty of 
6 pence, ** and being accounted as one that gives an evil example of oisorder to 
otners." All in the meeting were to direct their speech to the moderator, and 
" he to value and make answer thereto, until it bo ripened for a vote ; that so we 
may avoid personal jangling." [Abridged.] 

They also voted to choose Townsmen yearly in January, who should have 
power to order and transact all' public occasions but Uie following : — ^Admitting 
mhaUtonts, giving of land, laying out highways, alienatiDg fences and propes- 


ties, erectiug^ common boildingfi, as honses, mills, bridges, &c. of considcrablo 
value, levyiiig of rates, and some other things. In all these, the townsmen must 
have the consent of the town. 

In 1662, the townsmen were to meet the first Monday of every other month, to 
consider matters that concern the town. — The proceedings of townsmen and 
0eloctmen, were seldom recorded. 

There was no town Treasurer in those days, and no need of 
any. Rates were not levied in money, and town debts were 
not paid in money. The townsmen kept the accounts, and 
after their year was out, the new townsmen with two other 
persons appointed for that purpose, examined their accounts, 
and the result was recorded. The record of tliese audits for 
many years, may be seen in the town book. There was no 
Treasurer in Hadley till some years after 1700. 

Richard Billings, of the west side, sued the agents of the 
town, in 1664, for withholding some of his land. He attended 
a town meeting, March 25, 1664, and offended them by his 
free and earnest speeches, and the town deliberately voted, 
«' that the carriage of Richard Billings at this present meet- 
ing, is offensive." He gained his cause at the next Court, 
and did not trouble himself about the vote. 

Freemen. — By the early laws of Massachusetts, none but 
church-members could be freemen ; and none but freemen 
could hold offices or vote for rulers. These regulations were 
modified in 1647 and 1658, and some non-fi-eemen were al- 
lowed to vote in town affairs generally, and might hold town 
offices ; and in 1664, some who were not church-members could 
be freemen. In those days, town offices were burdensome and 
ijv'ere avoided, and many members of churches, in order to 
exempt themselves from public service, would not be made 
freemen, and in 1647, a law was made compelling such men 
to serve, if chosen, or pay a fine not exceeding 20 shillings. 

In Hadley, the distmction of freemen and non-freemen is 
seldom alluded to in the records. It is evident that town 
meetings were open to all, and that all came together and 
debated and voted freely, respecting town affairs. Only free- 
men voted for Magistrates or Assistants, County Commission- 
ers and Treasurer, and they chose deputies to the General 
Court. Their votes and choice are not recorded in the town 

And some appointed by others. 
Tcmnsmen, were called Selectmen, after a few years. There were five from 
tlie beginnin(;f. They were chosen by the engagers, in November, 1659, in three 
ploees. They were chosen at Norvrottuck, Dec. 14, 1660, viz., Andrew Bacon, 
Andrew Warner, Nathaniel Dickinson, Samuel Smith and William Lewis. The 
tDnm of Hadley chose five Jan. 27, 1662, three from the east side and two from 
th0 west ride. For a oentmy after 1663, a selectman was very rarely diosen two 
jiem in fueceBrioii. 


Eaten or Rate-makers, viz., Samnel Smith, Nathaniel Diddnson and WilBaa 
AUis, were first chosen to make the rates, Dec. 16, 1661. For some years after, 
S. Smith, N. Dickinson and Peter Tilton were chosen. The raters were some- 
times called assessors, before 1700, and commonly after 1715. 

Auditors. — Two were chosen yearly, to unite with the new townsmen, in set* 
tling the accounts of the old ones. The first w^ere William Partrigg and Peter 
Tiltun, who were chosen Dec M, 1661, to audit, with the townsmen, all rates and 
accounts for twojv'ears past. 

Constables.— lliey took their oath before the County Court Thomas Coleman 
was the first Constable of Newtown, March, 1661, and Stephen Terry was tiM 
first Constable of Hadle^, March, 1662. William Partrigg, for east side, and 
j Isaac Graves, for west side, were chosen Jan. 27, 1663. Substantial men were 
elected to this office. After Hatfield became a town, only one was chosen annu- 
ally in Uadlov, until 1704. 

The constable had many duties to perform, and in executins^ them, he carried a 
black staff, 5 feet long, tipped with brass. In Massachusetts, ne was the coUector 
of taxes or rates. 

Town Becorder or Clerk. — Nathaniel Dickinson, who had before acted as 
recorder, was chosen to record town orders, Dec. 17, 1660 ; and Peter Tilton was 
chosen to record town orders, Sept. 4, 1661, and to record lands, Feb. 9, 1663. 
Mr. Tilton held the office 31 years and a half. Samuel Barnard was chosen im 
1693, and is the first tliat is called Clerk in the record. 

Sealer of Weights and Measures, was called in England, and sometimes in 
Massachusetts, Clerk of the Market John Barnard of Hadley was sworn by the 
Count}^ Court in 1663, and William Partri^^ in 1665. Joseph Smith, the cooper 
and miller, was chosen by the town, in 169b, and he was sealer many years, and 
was succeeded by his son Joseph. 

Hadley and Northampton were complained of to the Court, for not having stand- 
ard weights and measures, Sept. 1664. They were allowed till the next March to 
get standards. Hadley voted brass weights in 1707. 

In England, in the time of Elizabeth, according to Holiushed, many clerks of 
the market contrived to leave the measures too big or too little, in order to have 
another fee for repairing. Some dealers had one measure to sell by, and another 
to buy bv, yet all sealed and branded. It was the same with weights. Poor 
tenants that paid their rent in nain to their landlords, were often dealt with veiy 
hardly. The "golden days" of Queen Elizabeth, furnish abundant examples of 
all kinds of dishonesty and wickedness. 

Commissioners to end small Causes. — By a law of the colony, the towns when 
no magistrate dwelt, might request the Countv Cotut to appoint three Commia- 
sioners, to hear and determine causes, where the debt or damage did not exceed 
40 shiUin]^. A magistrate had the same power. The General Court appointed 
Commissioners for Hadley, in May, 1661, when the town was named, with un- 
usual power, viz., Andrew Bacon, Samuel Smith and William Westwood. In 
April, 1662, the town chose the same men. In May, 1663, the General Court 
allowed Heniy Clarke, Samuel Smith and Andrew Bacon to be commissioners 
till the next September, and their extraordinary power was then to cease, uid 
Hadley was to nave commissioners to end small causes as other towns. The 
same three men, Clarke, Smith and Bacon, were swoni by the County Court, as 
commissioners for small causes, in Sept. 166^i, and Bjicou was continued until 
1669, Clarke till 1675 and Smith till 1678. Others were John White, Nathaniel 
Dickinson, Peter Tilton and Philip Smith. These town Courts ended with tbd 
first charter. 

Clerk of the Writs. — Every town might nominate a Clerk of the Writs, to be 
allowed by the shire Court, to grant summons and attachments in civil actions. 
They were to receive two pence for a warrant, three pence for an attachment, 
and four pence for a bond. The first Clerk of the Wnts in Hadley, was John 
Bussell, sr., appointed by the General Court, in May, 1661 ; no other is recorded 
until March, lo81, when Richard Montague was sworn by the County Court ; 
Samuel Partrigg was sworn in 1662, and Samuel Barnard in 1666. 

Tithing-men, in Massachusetts, were first ordered in 1677. Hadley selectmen 
chose four, and they were approved by the County Court, in March, 1678, viz., 
•nmothy Nash, Samuel Moody, Samuel Church, Chileab Smith. After 1680, they 
were chosen by the town, four for some years, and then only two. They were to 
inspect the conduct of liquor-«ellers, Sabbath-breakers, night-walkers, tipplen, dtc. 
ana present the names ot the disorderly to a magistrate. 


Snrreyore of Highways were firat chosen Jan. 27, 1663, viz., Edward Church 
ftnd Chileab Smith, east side, and Nathaniel Dickinson, Jr., west side. After tho 
town was divided, only two were chosen, one from the north and one firom tho 
Bonth part of the village. 

Measurers of Land. — ^Were not chosen annually. After Bamncl Smith and 
P^ter Tilton, 1660, none were recorded for many years. In 1G96, Capt. Aaron 
Cooke, Nehemiah Dickinson and Samuel Porter were chosen. 

A Packer was chosen to pack meat and fish intended for market. He was to 
inspect casks, and was called ganger of casks. The first one recorded in Hadley 
was Samuel Partrigg, in March, 1679. Daniel Marsh was packer, 1694 — 1698, 
Seivt. Joseph Smitli, the cooper, miller, sealer, &c. was chosen packer in 1699, 
and many years after, and his son Joseph succeeded him. — Samuel Partrigg 
nndcrstood the cooper's business, and the others were coopers. 

Fence Viewers. — Mr. Westwood and Brother Standley were chosen, April 24, 
1661, " to view the meadow fences." Four regular fence viewers were appointed 
in April, 1662, two for the east side, and two for the west side. After some years, 
two were annually chosen for Fort Meadow and Hockannm, two for Great Mead' 
ow, two for Forty Acres and School Meadows, and one or two for Little Panset, 
on tho west side. They were appointed by the selectmen till 1693, and i^ter- 
wards chosen by the town. 

Hayward. — Goodman Montague was chosen a common Hay ward. May 11, 
1661, and again in 1662. He was to have 12 pence each for cattle and hogs, two 
ahilUngs for a horse, and 20 pence for 20 sheep, that he should find loose in the 
meadow, and bring out ; to be paid by the owners. At a later period, these 
oiffice i i B were called Field Drivers, and two were chosen annually. In a colony 
law, 1693, they are called " Haywards or Field-drivers." 

Hoffreeves were ordered by a law of 1720. No earlier law is found. Hadley 
first cnoso hogreeves in 1721. 

Hoe-ringers. — ^In March, 1706, the town voted to choose hog-ringers annually, 
and uiey were to ring all swine 14 inches high, found unringed on commons or 
fields, from March 1 to Dec. 1. To have 4 pence for each. The west side voted 
tliat hogs should be ringed in 1663 and 1664. Hogs seem to have run at large if 
liiured, or sometimes if yoked and ringed. 

Cow-keeper. — There was a cow-keeper in Hadley, on tho east side, in 1662, 
and long after, who had the care of the cows in their great pasture, the woods, 
and was paid by the owners of the cows. He is seldom noticed in the records. 
There was a cow-keeper on the west side, 1663. Sometimes there was a keeper 
of the dry herd. 

A Shepherd was to be hired, April, 1686 and 1687. Pens were to be made to 
Ibid the sheep at night, 1687, and " their lodgings" would help pay the charges. 
Selectmen to order. A shepherd had sometimes been employed years before. 

Grave Digger. — ^It was voted, March 9, 1663, that Richard Montague should 
have lour shiUings for every grave he makes for a grown person, and two shil- 
lings for the grave of a child under ten years. 

The persons who nmg tho bell and swept and took care of the meeting-house, 
mn not noticed in the record. 

A Pound was ordered to be built by the " four quarters on this side," each quar- 
ter ite share, Feb. 9, 1663. It was not built till Sept. 1664, after complaint to the 
Conrt The place was not mentioned, but a few years after, the pound was in 
the middle hiehway into the meadow, which was 6 rods wide, and Thomas 
Webster, who had a little house in this highway, w^ called ** pound-keeper and 
^hepberd," 1684. A new pound was voted in 1689. 

'niere was a Guard on the Sabbath before there was any Indian war. The 
town voted, April 4, 1664, that the military officers " should choose the guard for 
tike defence of the town upon Lord's days. Lectures and public meeting days of 
God's worship." In 1667, it was voted that every soldier, who attended on the 
f^oBxd a year, should receive a pound of powder and a pound of lead. Tho ser- 
Tiee was light. The soldier carried his arms to the place of meeting, and sat in 
the seat of the guard. 

By-laws and Orders of tho town, voted May 3, 1693, and allowed by the 
County Court, Sept. 23, 169'.t, for directing and managing the prudential affairs 
of the town. Abndged. 

1. Ten men, including a majority of the selectmen, having assembled, may pro- 
with the bfuine00 of a town meeting, the meeting having been legally warned. 




2. Common fences are to be made ^^ood by March 20th, yearij — to be 4| feet 
high, or ditch aud rails, or hedge eqoivalent thereto. To be so close as to keep 
out swine three months old. 

3. Owners of defective fences, after one day's warning and nothing done, ar^ 
to pay the viewers double price for mending the same. 

4. Ever^' man tu have a stake 12 inches high at tlic end of his fence, with the 
two first letters of his name, foHng the way the fence runs. 

5. Hockanum and Fort Meadow are to be cleared yearlj on Michaelmas daj, 
(Sept. 29;) the Great Meadow a fortnight after; unless the selectmen order 

6. Those who leave open gates and bars of common fields, between March 20, 
and the 0]>ening of the fields, are to pay 5 shillings besides all damages. 

7. No man to trespass by going over his neighbor's land with team or cart, or 
by baiting, without leave. Fine, 2s. (xl. and to |Miy damages. 

8. Horses, cattle, sheep and swine found in the common fields iivithout a keeper, 
within the time aforesaid, are to be pounded, and hogs at all times. Horses and 
cattle to pay for each poundage, one shilling, and tu-o pence for the keeper of the 
pound ; hogs and sheep 6 pence and a penny for the keeper, besides damages. 

9. All heads over IG years, are to work one day on the highway ; and ownera 
of meadow land at the rate of one day for 2() acres. 

10. Any person refusing to work after 24 hours warning, forfeits 2s. 6d. 

11. All heads over 14, when called out by the selectmen to cut brush or dear 
the commons, shall work one day yearly in June, or forfeit 2s. 6d. 

12. All young cattle shall be herded annually at some plaoc remote from the 
town; the owners to pay the expense. The selectmen to expend what is 

Occupation of the inhabitants of Hadley. — ^The early set- 
tlers were generally thrifty, substantial men. They all had 
lands and derived the greater part of their support from their 
lands and labors. Most of them were farmers, as they had 
been in the towns from which they came. There were some 
artificers, and a few that had been in trade. Several left 
buildings and lands in Connecticut. The estates of a number 
of them were worth from 800 to 1100 pounds, after their 

Trade must have been quite limited at Hadley in the 17th 
century, yet some persons counected traffic with their other 
employments, at times, as William Partrigg, Lieut. Samuel 
Smith, Philip Smith, Samuel Porter, aud William Lewis. 
The fur-trade with the Indians was in the hands of John 
Pynchon, and he had agents in the towns. In Hadley, on the 
west side, Zechariah Field traded with Indians and whites, 
and failed about 1664. On the east side, Doct. John West- 
carr had the Indian trade for a year or two before the Indian 
war of 1675. Previous to 1670, the people of Hadley bought 
many goods of John Pynchon at Spnngfaeld, and paid him in 
wheat, flour, pork and malt. — The second Samuel Porter, who 
died in 1722, was the most extensive trader there had been in 
the county of Hampshire, except John Pynchon. He left a 
large estate. 

The artificers or mechanics were commonly farmers also. 
Timothy Nash was a blacksmith. John Russell, senior, was a 
glazier, a trade that required some skill in the days of diamond 


glass. Richard Montague was a baker, but there was not 
much demand for his services in Hadley, except in the Indian 
war. William Partrigg was a cooper, as well as trader. The 
first Samuel Porter had a set of joiner and carpenter's tools, 
valued at jC6, 2s. 6d., and he undoubtedly sometimes used 
them, and his son Hezekiah was a carpenter. Robert Bolt- 
wood may have been a carpenter; he could build a mill. 
The records do not make known the names of the men who 
built chimneys, made garments, or made shoes. 

Petitions or Addresses of Hadley relating to public 


I. Petition when the General Court was contending with 
the Commissioners of Charles II., 1665. 

King Charles II. asserted his right to interfere in the 
domestic concerns of Massachusetts, and sent commissioners, 
in 1604, to regulate the affairs of New England. The inhab- 
itants of Massachusetts, relying on their charter, resolved to 
resist the orders of the king, and to nullify his commission, 
and they succeeded. The reciuisitions of the king gave birth 
to the parties of prerogative and of freedom, which continued 
to divide Massachusetts till the establishment of independence. 
The dawning strife of the new system against the old one had 
begun.* In the midst of the contest between the General 
Court and the royal Commissioners, Hadley sent a long peti- 
tion or address to the General Court-, dated April 25, 1665. ■ 
It was drawn up by Mr. Russell, who was a zealous opposer 
of the pretonsions and encroachments of England. North- 
ampton also sent a petition, dated April 19, 1665, signed by 
86 persons, requesting the Court " to stand for, confirm, and 
mamtiun our former and ancient liberties and privileges, both 
in church and commonwealth." It was only about one-fourth 
as long as that of Hadley. Mr. Russell was inclined to bo 
wordy» and was not always explicit.t 

To the much honored General Conrt of the Massachusetts now assembled at 
Boston, the hnmblo petition of the inhabitants of the town of Iludlev: 

Honored and wortny fathers, if wo call yon fathers and Gods too, wo speak but 
alter the most high one of these relative titles, bespeak the tender and natural 
love we confide in you for; the other tells us what iwwer you have in your hands 
to help us and the end for which Ciod hath clothocl you therewith ; both show us 
our duty of repairing to you for help (in time of danger) under him who is over 
all. If ever there were appearances of dniig-er towards us, we think now more. 
The cry of our sins as well of the Lord's threat^nings being so manifest to them 
that have ears to hoar. Had the Lord but spoken by the meanest of his messen- 
gers, tender hearts would have trembled ; but when the Lird hath seconded so 
many voices of his precious s«Tvants by the midnight cries of those portentous 

• Bancroft's irustory of L'nitod States, Vol. IL 

tif my minutes are correct, Mr. Kusscll preached the election sermon at 
Boaton, Hay, 1665. 



signs* in the heavens, once and again ; and that in conjunction with the dias- 
trous state-shakinp among us, we would not Pharaoh like harden onr hearts, or 
refuse to see the hfting up of the Lord's hand. Either of these might administer 
sad thoughts of heart ; both together give us more cause to look out that with the 
prudent we may foresee the aanger and hide ourselves, racier than with the 
simnle, pass on and bo puuishcd. « 

Tne Good Lord our uod (forever blessed be his name) hath in a day of danger 
in the world, bid us enter into our chambers and hath kept us safe with himself. 
His eyes have been upon us, his salvation for walls and bulwarks ; when we nor 
had, nor could have any other, he hath graciously made his word to be yerifiied to 
us, that he would go before us and be our rere-ward, himself creatine on all oar 
dwelling places, his cloud and smoke and flaming fire ; and upon afi the fi^loiy 
causing a defence to be ; affording here a tabemacie for a shadow from the nei^ 
and a place of refuge and covert m>m the storm. Have we seen the Lord assay- 
ing so to do to any other since he brought his own redeemed his son and met 
bom out of Egypt ? May we not look from one end of the earth, yea and heay- 
ens too, to the otner and not see it ? And in what way the Lord nath done this 
for us, and what statutes and judgments he hath caused us to keep ; which bath 
been our wisdom and made us great in the si^ht of the nations, hatn been a thing 
too public and glorious to be concealed or doubted of. By what shepherds tto 
Lord hath led and fed us here, and what hath been the integrity of their hearts 
and skillfulness of their hands ; would be wretched ingratitude if we should so 
soon forget, espedally having so often and lately sung the Lord's praises for the 
same. That we have not so carried toward these as we ought we know, and 
desire to be humbled for. We know also that there is a dreadful difference be- 
tween serving the Lord under these, and other services. That we may not know 
this, as fools come to understand good and evil, is our humble petition and 
request to yourselves ; who under God are the only means to save us therefrooit 
and whom we have trusted with all we have for this very end. We humbly but 
most earnestly besecdb you that the same may be kept for us and for the Lord. 
Nor do we herein ask any more than the Lord allows and commands ua to do. 
We would fear God, and honor the king. Whatever royal grants of grace we have 
received either from the Lord in Heaven or kings on earth, the accepting, holding 
&st, and maintaining of the same with due thankfulness, is the true magnifyinc 
of that grace, and to throw ^way, or cowardly to suffer ourselves to be nattered 
or frightened from it, is the despising and dishonoring thereof. The faster we 
hold the grace of God, even when he seems to be angry and thrust us away ; the 
more we nonor and please him. The king of heaven will give his poorest subject 
on earth, leave to cnallenge resolutely his right and not to let it go for frowns or 
threats. And why should we think that a just and gracious king on earth will 
not do in like manner. We have right from God and man to chnse onr own 
governors, make and live under our own laws. Our liberty and privileges herein 
as men we prize and would hold as our lives ; this makes us freemen and not 
slaves. Our privilege herein as Christians in regard of the kingdom, name, glory 
of our God is far more precious than our lives. Hereby we eiyoy and are noi 
without God in the world. And we must give an account of our holding and 
improving thereof, to the hazard of much more than the worth of our lives. We 
would not live so accursed as to live having betraved our trust herein. We 
should then be ashamed to live and afraid to die, when now through the nudn- 
taining of the same, thro' the Lord's grace, we are neither. Kor is it our own 
portion only that we trade with in this case, but our children's stock also— even 
their advantages as men and Christians to serve the Lord and be accounted to 
him for a generation forevermore. Can we bear to think that they should rise np 
and call us cursed for betraying them in their successive generations, and to 
publish the same to the ends of tne earth. 

Honored and endeared in the Lord, you are our nail, we hope, in a sure place. 
On you we hang our enjoyments, houses, lauds, liberties, wives, children, liyes 
and all our sanctuary vessels. At your hands we look for them again, and the 
Lord will require them. True, what danger is, you are in the foretront of it, but 
is it not the Lord that set you there ? And he tliat gave Joshua so many charges 
to be strong and very courageous knows what all his Joshuas need, and will 
withhold no good thing from them that walk uprightly. Your place is not worse 

* One of these signs was the comet of 1664 and 1665. 


than David's vaUej of the shadow of death ; he that was with him will be with 
jou and then no fear of ill. Nor is your help less than Jonathan's when the 
Lord wrought such deliverance for and by him. We with our prayers and en- 
deavors, heads and hearts, and lands and estates and lives wiM do with you and 
subject unto you. He can deliver if he will ; if not, we are not careful in this matter. 
We af ain beseech you. Let us g^ve fear, honor, tribute, obedience to the Lord 
and the king, with all humility, constancy, and willingness as his due. And 
what is given us for ourselves and for our Uod, let us never bereave ourselves nor 
rob him of. We crave pardon for the length and plainness of our speech (which 
vet, we hope hath not been rude.) Our hearts have been and are full of affection. 
We desire to leave this testimony of it with yourselves and to pour out the 
remainder before the Lord in our earnest and hearty prayer for his presence with 
and blessing upon you and your resolves ; to your own comfort, the continuance 
and increase of the prosperity of our Zion, and the advancement of the honor of 
his most glorious name. And so hoping in the Lord, we rest your humble 
Hadley, April 25th, 1665. 

This petition was signed by 91 persons, who must have 
included ahnost every male in the town, above 21 years of 
age. About 63 belonged to the east side of the river, and 
28 to the west side« 

n. Petition of Hadley against the impost or customs, 1669. 

On the 7th of November, 1668, the General Court of 
Massachusetts ordered that duties should be imposed on goods 
and merchandise, and on horses, cattle aud grain imported 
into this colony, after the first of March next. Petitions 
against this act were sent from some towns on the sea-board, 
and from Springfield, Northampton and Hadley on Connecti- 
cut River. These three towns apprehended that Connecticut 
would retaliate, and impose a tax on their produce sent down 
the river. The duty was reduced in 1669, and suspended as 
to Connecticut and Plymouth in 1670. The Hadley petition 
is subjoined. It appears to be in the hand-writing of William 

Northampton stated that it cost Is. 8d. a bushel to transport 
wheat to Boston, viz., Is. to Windsor, 2d. thence to Hartlord, 
and 6d. from Hartford to Boston. This was the cost of trans- 
port when grain was carted to Windsor. 

To the Ri^ht Worshipfiil Richard Bellingham, Esq., Governor, and to the rest 
cC Uie Worshipfnl Assistants and Deputies of the General Court of the Massachu- 
metts Colony. 

Tbe humole petition of the inhabitants of the town of Hadlcigh sheweth : 

That whereas we have been informed of an order made the last General Court 
aboat customs to be laid on all (unless some specials excepted) imports and 
exports, which order was left with some preparatives (in case) towards an execu- 
tion thiB next ensuing March. The sense we have and fears that we are filled 
with of evil and danger towards the whole in general, and ourselves in special 
(with reference to the same) do enforce us to present these following considera- 
tioiiB to this honored Court. 

1. libertj, liberty of the subject and commons being the ^reat thinc^ we have 
made (and we trust in sincerity) profession of, the clogging and loading of 
trade, the freedom whereof is the advance of a people, will it not administer matter 
of difloonnigement, sinking discouragement to our own people and occasion of 



evil report among others, that wc who have been an example of seeking liberty 
should Dccomc an example of taking it away from ourselves and others 7 

2. The moving (that we say not commotion) of men*s spirits generally at the 
thing, as indeed we find it which (we think) we may say of all sorts among us, 
demonstrates the tender seuae that people have thereof, and the working of pas- 
sions within. Now the general motions of spirits haih still been accounted a 
thing regariiablo in sodeiies of all sorts, and this wc find to be as of one man with 
us against this thing. 

- 3. Its to us matter of no small fear lest the thing itself circumstanced with the 
dissentions and strivings about it, should administer occoijion of drawing of an 
heavier yoke U{)on us lixmi others and atl'ord a plea for the expediency and neces- 
sity of the same to us, who could not live wittiout customs nor agree in having 

4. We cannot but suspect the product ther'^of will be the diversion of trade 
especially as to our neighbor colony in Connecticut, and then 'f the trade be gone 
the cu.stoms will be of little avail to the -^upji'v of onr wants or otluTS. 

fi. AVe (mrselves in this part of the colony are i:kf; to have not only the common 
share in the evils and dangers likely hereupon ta ensue, but also a burden even a 
sinking load of overplus more than we can, lor cur transport Iwing unavoid- 
ably through Connecticut Colony we niu>t look to havo so much tvkvn from us 
as will make our trading (without which we cannot subsist) intolerable. How- 
much we may or shall sufter we know not, but words are high and that wliich 
sounds in our cars is, that its no reason they should be losers by our colony ; henca 
they say its but equal that they should take so much again as is by our order 
taken from them. And so wc shall bear the burden of the whole colony though 
we sink under it. 

G. Seeing we are required (and accor-Ving to righteousness joyfully do it) to 
bear our share of the burthens and dutv belonging to the whole, we trust we shall 
share in the privileges proportionably and nud such protection and safeguard 
imder the government as that the laws and order thereof may not expose ub 
(more than others of th 3 colony) to detriment and ruin. 

In respect of all these as well as of other considerations our humble request to 
the Honoi-ed Council is that if pos-.sible there may be no procedure to execution of 
this law (which passed so baR^ly also in the General Court) until the next (gen- 
eral Court ; that so we may have liberty and opportunity to ])resent our petitions 
unto and seek help from them, that either the thing may not proceed or somo 
effectual course may be taken that we be not thereby oppressed beyond measure 
only because we are members of this colony. 

Thus craving iiardon for our >o far troubling of you and beseeching your help 
in this our distress, we rest your suppliants ever wishing and praying for your 
welfare and prosperitv in the Lord. 

Hadley, Feb. ll>, l{y66:;Q. 

East Side.— 34. 
Henry Clarke, 
Andrew Bacon, 
"William Goodwin, 
Samuel Smith, 
Joseph Kellogg, 
Wilham Marcum, 
Thomas Dickinson, 
John Kussell, Jr., 
John White, Sr., 
Philip Smith, 

John Crow, 
John Tavlor, 
Samuel I*orter, 
Kichard Goodman, 
Thomas Coleman, 
Kichard Mountaguc, 
Edward Church, 
John Dickinson, Sr., 
Francis Barnard, 
Robert Boltwood, 
Josejth Baldwin, 

Nathaniel Dickinson, Sr., Thomas Wells, 

John Kussell, Sr., 
Will. Westwood, 
Aaron Cooke, 
Peter Tilton, 
William Lewis, 
Andrew Warner, 
Samuel Gardner, Sr., 
Samuel Church, 
Chileab Smith, 
Timothy Nash, 

John Hubbard. 

East Side. — 30. 
Caleb Watson, 
Nehemiah Dickinson, 
Hezekiah Dickinson, 
Azariah Dickinson, 
Samuel Foote, 
John Smith, 
Samuel Gardner, Jr., 
Thomas Partrigg, 

Daniel Marsh, 
Isaac Harrison, 
Noah Coleman, 
Joseph Warriner, 
Samuel Marsh, 
Richard Lyman, 
Samuel Crow, 
Philip Lewis, 
William Webster, 
William Rooker, 
Isaac Stanley, 
John Abot, 
Isaac Warner, 
Samuel Partrigg, 
l*eter Mountague, 
John Westcarr, 
John Dickinson, Jr., 
John Warner, 
John Peck, 
Jonathan Baldwin, 
Samuel Boltwood, 
John Barnard. 


West Bide.— 28. Samuel Hinsdcll, Samuel Qillet, 

Thomas Mcekins, Sr., Samuel Billing, Samuel Field, 

Thomas Meekins, Jr., John Hawks, James Brown, 

Imac Graves, Sr., John Coules, Sr., Barnabas Hinsdell, 

John Graves, Sr., Daniel Warner, Joseph Allis. 

William Allis, John Coules, Jr., 

John Allis, Isaac Graves, Jr., East side, 34 old names. 

William Gull, John Graves, Jr., " " 30 later names. 

Nathaniel Dickinson, Jr., Samuel Dickinson, West " 28 names. 

Daniel White, Obadiah Dickinson, T«foi Qo *t 

PhiUp Russell, Samuel Kellogg, . ^°^» , ^ . 

Richard Billing, Samuel AUis, A few did not sign. 

m. Petition of Hadley and Northampton in reference to 
the provocation of the people and God's displeasure, 1670. 

** To the worshipful and much honored General Court of the Massachusetts 
now sitting in Boston : 

It being abundantly manifest to them that know tho Lord and do consider the 
operations of his hands that his carriage towards his churches and people in this 
Goontiy hath not been as in former times the years of tho right hand ot the most 
bigh ; but that instead of his wonted blessing and lifting up tho light of his 
countenance, he hath shewed us both many signs of his displeasure against ^nd 
departure from us ; which if he proceed to do then is that fearful woe Uosea 9 : 
12 accomplished towards us. The consideration and fear whereof occasioneth 
lu to present this our humble enquiry to tliis honored Court, viz. Whether the rod 
of God upon our churches and land has not tliis speaking voice to us, that there 
should be some public and solemn enquiry what it is that hath provoked the Lord 
(who doth not afliict willingly, but if need be) against us. The genuine and 
tender filial spirit when it sees the father angry, cannot rest without inquiry why 
it is ; the example of that made after God's own he^irt 2 Samuel 21 : 1,2 (as well 
S8 oUiers) is a pattern to us. Our own distresses and dangers may necessitate us 
to faithful and dili|?ent search if there be any Achan or Jonas that may hazard 
the lofls and ruin of all. Tho finding and unanin;ous agreeing in what our evil is 
seems to be the necessary and just means and part of our turning to the Lord, 
whereby only we can hope for nis return (in mercy) unto us, according to his 
wonted loving kindness, which, that we may surely and speedily [word illegible] 
is the earnest prayer of your humble servants. 

Hadley, May 3, 1(J70. HENRY CLARKE, 

In behalf of the freemen of Hadley. 
WILLIAM HOLTON, ( - v^i,«^«*^„ 
WILLL^ CLARKE, ] ^^ Northampton, 

in the name of sundry of the freemen there, who have had the con- 
sideration of the above writing. 

This petition or address was written by Mr, Russell, Jr. 
The signature of John Russell may be that of his /ather. 
Northampton had no settled pastor at that tigie.* 

In May, 1670, the writing from Hadley and Northampton 
-was considered by the deputies, and a committee of five 
including Peter Tilton, made a report, which was accepted, 
\irherein were noticed the causes of God's displeasure, the 
effects of it, and the means of removing it. Among the pre- 

' Bev. Eleazar Mather, the first minister, died July 24, 1C69. Mr. Russell 
asdsted at Ids ordination, Juno 18, 1661. The Northampton church was organ- 
ized the same day, and not June 4, as stated page 55. 


vailing evils were mentioned, innovations threatening the ruin 
of the Congregational way. Some days after, in another 
paper, the deputies censured the madstrates and ministen 
who consentea to the organization of the third church in 
Boston, (now the Old South,) composed of seceders from the 
first church, who had not been dismissed. They contended 
for " the liberty of every church to exercise all the ordinances 
of God among themselves." An altercation ensued between 
the magistrates and deputies. The papers of the latter are in 
the hand-writing of Peter Tilton. The persons censured by 
these deputies were justified by those of the next yeiax. 


Separation of Hatfield from Hadlej — Proceedings of Hatfield. 

The settlers of Hartford, on each side of Little River, man- 
aged many of their concerns separately, in what were called 
side^meetings. The planters of Hadley, settled on both sides 
of the Connecticut, and followed the example of Hartford, 
each side performing many things apart. The settlers on the 
west side held side-meetings and kept side-records which atill 
remain. In March, lG6d, the town voted that the west side 
should make and maintain all their ways and bridges, and the 
east side all their ways and bridges, except the mill-bridge on 
the west side, which was to be maintained by both sides. In 
June, 1665, the east and west sides voted to carry on the 
work of town and church as one '* until the Lord make it 
appear that one part of us have a call to make a society of 

The west side people began to think of becoming a separate 
parish in 1665, but they did not send a petition to the General 
Court, to be a parish or society,' till May, 1667. They were 
apparently too f^ in number to support a minister, and build 
a meeting-house, but they were united, active, and perse- 
vering, and such men commonly perform what they under- 
take. Their petition, which follows, may contain a little 
exaggeration, but tho^ who live near the Connecticut can 
readily believe the account of their trouble in crossing the 
river, and of the screeching of the women and children. The 
Latin quotation was not called for. The word " ordinances, 
as used in the petition, refers especially to the usual services 
of the Sabbath. 


To the Honored Oovemor, Dep. Governor, Assistants and Depnties, now in 
€l«neral Court assembled : 

The petition of us whose names are underwritten, being inhabitants of the 
west side of the river at Hadlcy, shewcth — (May 3, l(i67,) — that, whereas it hath 
pleased God to make you the fathers of this Comuionwealtli, and it hath pleased 
the Lord, by your ereat care and diligence under him, to continue our peace and 
plenty of outward things, and in a more especial manner the cliieftcst and princi- 
pal of all, the Gospel of peace, with the liberty of liis Sabbaths, which mercies 
your humble petitioners desire to be thankful unto God and you for, that you are 
80 ready and willine for to help those that stand in need of help, which hath 
enoooraged us your numble pebtioncrs for to make this our address, petition and 
reooest, to you for relief in this our present distressed state and condition. 

First, your petitioners, together with their families within the bounds of Hadle^ 
town, upon the west side of the river, commonly called by the name of Connecti- 
cat river, where we for the most part have lived about 6 years, have attended 
on God's ordinances on the other side of the river, at the appointed seasons that 
we^ could or durst pass over the river, the passing beinj^ very difficult and 
dangerous, both in summer and winter, which thin? hath proved and is an 
oppressive burden for us to bear, which, if by any lawful means it may be avoided, 
we should be glad and thankful to this honored court to ease us therein, conceiv- 
ing it to be a palpable breach of the Sabbath, although it be a maxim in law : 
nemo debet esse judex in propria causa, yet, by the Word of God to us, it is evi- 
dently plain to be a breach of the Sabbath : Ex. xxxv : 2 ; Levit x^dii : 3, yet 
many times we are forced to it ; for we must come at the instant of time, be the 
season how it will. Sometimes we come in considerable numbers in rainy 
weather, and are forced to stay till we can empty our canoes, that are half full of 
water, and before we can g^t to the meeting-house, are wet to the skin. At other 
tunes, in winter seasons, we are forced to cut and work them out of the ice, till 
our shirts be wet upon our backs. At other times, the winds are high and waters 
rough, the current strong and the waves ready to swallow us — our vessels tossed 
wp and down so that our women and children do screech, and are so affrighted 
that they are made unfit for ordinances, and cannot hear so as to profit by Uiem, 
by reason of their anguish of spirit ; and when they return, some of them are 
more fit for their beds than for family duties and God's services, which they ought 
to attend. 

In hrevi^ and verity, our difficulties and dangers that we undcr^ are to us 
extreme and intolerable ; oftentimes some of us have fallen into the nver through 
^ ice, and had they not had better help than themselves, they had been 
drowned. Sometimes we have been obliged to carry others when they have 
broken in, to the knees as they have earned them out, and that none hitherto 
biih been lost, their lives are to be attributed to the care and mercy of God. 

There is about four score and ten persons on our side the river, that are capable 
^ receiving good by ordinances, but it is seldom that above half of them can go 
te attend, what through the difficulty of passage and staying at home by turns 
and warding, some being weak and small which, notwithstanding, if the means 
Were on our side the river, they might have the benefit of the ordinances which 
^ they are deprived of to the grief of us all. Further, when we do go over the 
JW, we leave our relatives and estates lying on the outside of the colony, join- 
^ to the wilderness, to be a prey to the heathen, when they see their opportu- 
^. Yet, notwithstanding, our greatest anxiety and pressure of spirit is that 
^ Sabbath, which should be kept by us holy to the Lord, is spent with such 
^>tt?oidable distractions, both of the mind and of the body. And for the 
'^f&oring of this, we unanimously have made our address to our brethren and 
friends on the other side of the river, by a petition that they would be pleased to 
put OS liberty to be a society of ourselves, and that we might call a minister to 
^fpense the word of God to us, but this, by them, would not be granted, although, 
?» the month of June, in the year 1665, it was agreed and voted, at a town meet- 
ing, that when the west side had a call of God thereto, they might bo a society of 
^iMmuwhres. We sent a second time to them, entreating that according to said 
*gnement they would grant our request to put it to a hearing, but they will not, 
•0 that we, your humble petitioners, have no other way or means, that we know 
ot^ hot to make our humble address to this honored court for relief, in this our 
distressed state, humbly praying this honored court to vouchsafe your poor poti- 
^ootn that favor as to be a society of ourselves, and have liberty to settle a min- 


UUiT to Jispeuse the ordiuances ef the Lord unto us, wliich we hope will be for 
the furtherance of the work of the Lord amongst us, and for our peace and safety. 
Not that we desire to make any bre^ach among brethren, for to attain our desires, 
nor yet to hinder the prreat work of the Lord amongst us, but that which we aim 
at is the contrary. Thus, conimittiug our cause to tied and this honored court, 
and all other your weighty affairs, we leave to the protection and guidance of the 
Almighty, wluch is the prayer of your humble petitioners. — May 3, 1667. 

Thomas Meekins, Sr., Daniol WTiite, John Allis, 

Wm. Allis, John Welles, Obadiah Dickinson, 

John Coulc, Sr., Nathaniel Dickinson, Jr., Samuel Gillet, 

Isaac Graves, Eleazer Frary, John Field, 

Richard Billing, Samuel Billing, John Ccule, Jr., 

Wm. Gull, Samuel Dickinson, Ursula Fellows, 

Samuel Belden, Thomas Meekins, Jr., Mary Field. 

John Graves, Sanmel Kelog, 

Daniel W^arner, Barnabas liinsdell, 

John Coleman, Philip Russell, Samuel Allis and Benjamin Wtdt did not sign 
the petition ; j^ierhaps they did not all reside on the west side in May, 1667. 

An abstract of " the Answer of the inhabitants of Hadley 
on the east side to the complaints made by them of the same 
town on the west side." 

We have done our brethren and neighbors no wrong. We hold to the covenant 
made between us, which was done upon their desire. This covenant related to 
the upholding of the worship of God amon^ us. We think that granting what 
they request will be the breaking and marring of them and ourselves, as we are 
together too weak. Should we grant their desire we should sin against the Lord, 
ourselves and them. We desire that nothing may be done by this Court to the 
making void of the agreements between us.— ilay 7, 1667. 

This answer was signed by 44 of the inhabitants of the east side. 

The General Court heard the allegations of both parties, 
presented by Thomas Meekins, William Allis and Isaac 
Graves, in behalf of the petitioners, and by Mr. John Russell, 
pastor, Mr. Samuel Smith and Mr. Peter Tilton in behalf of 
the town. They judged it not best to make a division at 
present ; thought the best expedient would be for them jointly 
to settle another minister, who would accommodate those on 
the west side, when the passage of the river was difficult. 

The petition of the west side was again presented in Sep- 
tember, 1667, and a committee reported, but the two houses 
disagreed, and the report was not accepted. 

The two sides had some correspondence in 1667, and in the 
early part of 1668, but could not agree. The east side were 
willing to have a second minister, but expected the west side 
people would attend worship on the east side, except when 
the passage was difficult. The west side desired to be a 
society by themselves, and to have a minister constantly with 

In April, ^ 1668, the east side inhabitants sent to the General 
Court another answer to the complaints of those on the west 
side. It was written by Mr. Russell, and is very long. Some 
part of it follows. 

mffrORT OF HADLBT. 89 

When we moved to this plantation, we engaged to each other to have two 
ministers. We gave to poor men liberty to suit uiemselves, and those who had 
more estate denied themselves, not taking up half as much as they might have 
done, no man having more than 45* acres or interval land. This was done in 
respect to maintaining the ministry and ordinances. When those on the west 
aide of the river took up land there, they did it on. condition that they were to be 
one vrith us and to come to the east side on the Sabbath, except in extraordinary 
times, one of the ministers would go over to them. The meetine^ousc was to be 
set where it is, for tlieir sakes, to our great inconvenience. The difficulties of 
crossing the river were presented to them at first, and they chose to go. In some 
other towns, the river is crossed on the Sabbath. It is doubtftil whetner they can 
make a plantation of themselves. The place does not afford boggy meadowst or 
such like, that men can live upon, but their subsistence must be irom their home- 
lots and intervals. A g^reat part of these men are in near relation to us and we 
would not injure them. If tue Court judge that our brethren have a call of Ood 
to be by themselves, we trust we shall do our duty without disturbance. Our 
place is hard, remote and inconvenient. In asking that the river may be the 
tMmnds between them and us, and all the land on that side pay ])ublic char^^ to 
them, they demand what is unjust. We are about 46 or 47; families, and if the 
river be the bounds, we shall not have so much land to maintidn public ordinan- 
ces as they, who are a little more than half as many. — Signed by Henipr Clarkoy 
John Russell, Jr., William Gk>odwin, Andrew Bacon and William Lewis, in tho 
name of the rest of the inhabitants of Uadlcy, on the east side of the river. 

April 22, 1668. 

William Allis and Isaac Graves, who were in Boston, made 
a long reply, May, 1668, in behalf of the inhabitants on the 
west side, to the declaration of their brethren and neighbors 
OQ the east side. 

They owned the covenant of 1660, but did not suppose such a covenant per- 
petual, when things should so change as to require an alteration. Thought tney 
Old a clear call of Ood to be a society. Mentioned the hazard of passinff the 
river. In nine Sabbaths, from Dec. 15 to Feb. 16, 1667-8, they were hindered 
from going over by the danger of the river. There was danger from the Indians. 
One m their houses was burnt on the Sabbath some time ago, and they saw the 
heglnning, but could render no relief. They had only their proportion of the 
lands jointly purchased. All was equalized by a committee. " When the meeting- 
hoose was put where it is, we declared that it should be no engagement to us, 
and desired them to set it where they pleased." — The subject was postponed to the 
next session. 

November 7, 1668. '* In answer to the petitioners on the west side of the river 
it^ Hadley, the Court iudgeth it meet that they be allowed to procure an able 
nunister to settle with them on their side of the river, for whose maintenance they 
are carefully and comfortably to provide, and shall be freed from the maintenance 
of the minister on the east side, unless the inhabitants on the east side of the 
liyer and they shall agree together for the maintenance and allowance of both 
jointly ; provided that the inhabitants of the west side shall not rate any of the 
Mtates or lands of the inhabitants of the east side lying on the west side of the 
rirer, towards the maintenance of their ministry." 

In May, 1669, John Russell, pastor, and William Goodwin, 
ruling elder, in the name of the church, pointed out some 

'This is nearly correct. Though some had 50^ acres of land, this included 
4 or 5 acres of the Meadow Plain, that was not interval land, and was not so 

tThey here allude to the water grass or sedge, of which much was formerly 

I According to this statement, the number of families had not increased in 5 or 
6 years. The population had increased. 



difficulties in the preceding order, and desired explanations 
from the General Court. The Court replied and made expla- 
nations, and judged it reasonable that the inhabitants of the 
west side should have the unappropriated lands on that side. 

Thomas Meekins and Isaac Graves informed the Court, 
May, 1669, that the west side had done much towards setting 
up a meeting-bouse, and as to a minister, '* we have already 
pitched upon a man, who is recommended to us by sundiy 
reverend and godly persons, and hope we shall obtain his 
help. The man whom we have in our eye is one Mr. Ather- 
ton, a son of the late Worshipful Humphrey Atherton, of 

In October, 1669, the east side remaining unsatisfied, the 
Court appointed a committee from Northampton and Spring- 
field, but they do not appear to have met ; and on the 22d of 
December, 1669, the following agreement ended the contest 
for many years. 

*' Articles of agreement between the inhabitants on the east side of the river 
in Hadlej with those of the same town on the west side of the river. 

1. It is covenanted and agreed that those on the east side the river do s^rant 
and g^ve to those on the west side, liberty to be a distinct town or township of 
Uiemselves, and so of and among themselves to carry on all their common or 
town occasions ; and this to take place as soon as the Gen. Court shaU grant 
their approbation or allowance thereof. 

2. For the bonnds of each society or town, those on the east side are to have 
and enjoy now and forever the free and full disposal of all the land on the east 
side the river, for the maintaining of all common charges respecting things 
ecclesiastical or civil. 

And on the west side, the bounds between the two societies or towns are to be 
the highway between their several furlongs of land, >'iz. the highway runnin||p 
from the river to the Widow Fellows her house ; and from thence downwardly 
the fence to be the bounds until it comoit to the Mill river, and then the river to 
be the bounds until it meets with Mr. Webster's lot in Little Ponsett ; and finom 
thence the fence of Little Ponsett to be the bounds unto Connecticut River, 
where the end of the said fence is ; this to be and remain forever the bounds of 
each society or town, for the maintaining of the rights and privileges of each; 
viz. all the land on the lower or southwest side of the highway shall be unto the 
society or town of Iladley on the east side of Connecticut, and all every parcel 
thereof to pay all common charges to the said town of Iladley on the east side of 
the river. Except those lands within the said highway and fence which are 
already either g^ven or sold to inhabitants on the west side ; wliich land or par- 
cells of land are the whole accommodations of Mr. Terr>' on the west side ^e 
river ; and the whole accommodations of Nathaniel Dickinson, sen. and half of 
Mr. Webster's accommodations there, and John Hawks his whole accommoda- 
tions, and all Joseph Kello^g's, and all Adam Nicholls his, and that which was 
Samuel Gardner's in Little Ponset, and Goodman Crow's in Little Ponsett, and 
Nathaniel Stanley's in Little Ponsett, and Richard Montague's in Great Ponsett ; 
and Jos. Baldwin's whole accommodations, and John White's in Great Ponsett, 
and John Dickinson's in Little Pon.sott ; and except 12 acres and a half aboro 
and besides all this when it shall be given or sold to an inhabitant or inhabitants 
on the west side of the river; all the other land within the lower part or S. West 
side of the highway and the forenamcd fence to be to the town on the east side 
of the river forever. 

And the Society on the west side of the nver are to have for their bonnds all 
the lands on the west side of the river of Connecticut, except what lies within the 
highway from the river to the widow Fellows her house, and within the ftmoe 


abovenamed. All the rest of the land not within the said highwaj and fence to 
be to the town and society on the west side of the river and at their free and full 
dispose forever, for the maintaining of all common charges respecting things civil 
and ecclesiastical. And they also are to have all the land witliin the highway 
and fence on the south west or lower side of the river, that is already given or 
aold to an;|r inhabitant on the west side, which land in all the particulars and 
parcels of it is above specified, with 12^ acres more, which shall be next given or 
sold to any inhabitants, &c.. ; to be to the society and town on the west side for 
the maintaining of idl common charges forever. Only provided they shall not 
dinKMe of any land without the consent of the town, to any that are not approved 
ana settled inhabitants of the town, until the General Court have granted them 
to be a town of themselves, and then forthwith and forever to have the full 
dispose of all the land on the west side the river except that above excepted, for 
the maintenance of all common charges. 

3. It is mutually agreed and covenanted that the society or town of Hadlev on 
the east side of the river, have liberty to get fencing stuff on the west side of the 
river, for their land lying on that side the river, both now and from time to time 
aJways, as also to get timber if any see cause to build a bam or shelter for 
flecnxing his fruits raised there. The present fence in being, and the rest of the 
common fence [an omission here.] 

4. The inhabitants of the west side shall allow to those on the east side the 

of 6£ as the remainder of what is due for purchase money to the said 
ixihabitants on the east side. 

5. In case there shall hereafter be a fernr between these two places, this agree- 
ment shall be no detriment with respect thereto to those on either side more than 
if they continued one town. 

Hereunto as a full and final issue of all controversy respecting our bounds of 
each society, and the manner or way of maintaining their public charges, (not- 
withstanding all manner of sales or gifts that shall or may be,) we who were 
cJioaen by each Company, viz. those on the east and those on the west side the 
river respectively, and impowcred to issue the said difference, have set to our 
hands, this present 22d of^Decembcr, 1669. 

Henry Clarke, Tho. Meekins, sen. 

John Russel, Jr. William Allice, 

Samuel Smith, John Coule, sen. 

Nathaniel Dickinson, sr. Isaak Graves, 

Peter Tillton, Samuel Bolden« 

This agreement was copied from the original paper in the 
hand-writing of Mr. Russell, which was sent down to Boston 
by Hadlev, in the second controversy with Hatfield, about 
1710, and remains among the public archives in the state- 

The town of Hatfield was incorporated on the 31st of May, 
1670, and a copy of the act firom the printed records, is 

" In answer to the petition of the inhabitants of Hadley on the west side of the 
filler, that they may be allowed to be a toune of themselves, distinct from Hadlej 
on the east side, the deputy of Hadley certifying that that toune hauo consented 
to release them if this Court doc approove thereof, &,c. this Court doe therefore 
alkyw them on tho west side of tho riuer, to bo a touneship distinct from them on 
the east side of the riucr, and doe grant them a tract of land westward, sixe miles 
back into the woods from the great river ; their southerly bounds to be Northamp> 
ton northerly bounds, and the land which Hadlcy reserves to themselues, and 
from their said southerly Ijne to runne vp the riuer northerly upon tho square 
miles ; their northerly bounds likewise to runne backe from the great riuer 

rixe miles westward, as before, reserving proprietjes formerly granted to any 
penon ; and that this tonne be called Hattfeilds." 


Hatfield was named from one of the three Hatfields in 
England, perhaps from Hatfield Broad Oak in Essex, so called 
from a broad-spread oak. 

Proceedings of the West Side and Hatfield. — On the 6th of 
November, 1668, the west side held a side-meeting, and voted 
to build a meeting-house 80 feet square, and chose a commit- 
tee to procure timber, call out men, &c. On the 2l8t of 
November, they chose three men to procure a minister " to 
dispense the word of God to us," and in April, 1669, they 
sent men to Boston, who " pitched upon" Mr. Hope Atherton 
of Dorchester. The side manifestea imanimously. May 17, 

1669, that they were willing to call Mr. Atherton to the work 
of the ministry, and to give him 60£ a year. Before Nov. 25, 

1670, Mr. Atherton had accepted a call firom the town of 
Hatfield to settle among them, and they had voted to give 
him a houselot and meaoow land, to build him a house 40 feet 
long and 20 wide, double story, and to allow him 60 pounds 
a year, two-thirds in wheat and one-third in pork. There is 
no record of the forming of the church, or of tne ordination of 
Mr. Atherton. These acts took place after March 28, 1671, 

gerhaps in April. Before the close of 1671, this small town 
ad settled a minister, giving him 60^^ a year, and built a 
house for him which cost above 90^, and a meeting-house. 
Only 6 of the males were members of any church, including 
Mr. Atherton. The church-members and those not so, were 
like-minded and xmited in all their proceedings. 

Hatfield may have had 30 families in 1670. The persons 
taxed in 1678, after the Indian war, were 48, and in 1682, 57. 
The number of families in 1682 may have been 48 or 60. 
They had five selectmen and other town officers as in Hadley. 
The herdmen and shepherds were recorded. Men were em- 
ployed in the spring to burn the woods. Hatfield usually 
naa a school after 1678, and probably before ; and a school- 
house was built in 1681. Doct. Thomas Hastings was one of 
the teachers, but most of them were educated at Harvard 
College. They received from 30 to 35£ a year in grain at 
the usual prices, and boarded themselves, previous to 1700. 
A few girls attended the school, or might attend, if they 
paid the same as boys. The scholars paid about two-thirds of 
the salary, and the school did not become free till 1722. — 
The small meeting-house had galleries and a turret and bell, 
and the bell was to be rung at nine o'clock in 1686. The 
meeting-house was in the street, and the pulpit was at the 
west end, and there was an aisle from the east door to the 
pulpit. A second meeting-house was voted Nov. 13, 1699 ; 
it was to be 45 feet square, *^ with gable windows upon each 


square of the roof." — ^Mn Hope Atherton, the first minister, 
died June 8, 1677, Mr. Nathaniel Channcey, the second min- 
ister, died Nov. 2, 1685. He had of the town a house, bam, 
homelot, firewood, and a salary of 60 pounds, in produce at 
the usual prices. Mr. William Williams was the third min- 
ister, 1686. His salary was 70i£, — not equal to 175 silver 

In 1692, Hatfield began a new contest with Hadley, de- 
manding that the river should be the boundary between them, 
and gained her object in 1733. The attempt of Hatfield to 
carry her south line into territory long in possession of North- 
ampton, failed in 1720, after a dispute of 26 years. Col. 
Samuel Partrigg or Partridge was powerful in Hatfield, and 
for many years was the most prominent man in the county. 


County of Hampshire — Towns and Churclics before 1700 — Courts in Hampshire — 
Town marks — ^Hadloj Cases in Courts — Presentments for wearing silks — 
Expenses of Courts — ^Transportation — Sleds — ^Prices of grain — Contributions 
for Harvard College. 

Feb. 26, 1662, Springfield appointed a committee, " con- 
cerning settling the towns in this western part of the colony, 
into the form of a county." On the 7th of May, 1662, the 
General Court established the county of Hampshire, by the 
following act : — 

Forasmncb as the inbabitants of tbis jurisdiction are much encreased, so tbat 

BOW tiiey are planted farre into tbe country vpon Conecticott Riuer, wbo bj 

iMMm of their remotenes cannot conveniently be annexed to any of the cx)untye8 

ilready setled, d& that publicke affaires may with more facility be transacted 

McoruD^ to lawes heere established, it is ordered bv this Court & authority 

tliereof, inai henceforth Sprin^cild, Northampton, and Hadley shall be &- hereby 

tn eonstituted as a county, nie bounds or Igmitts on the south to be the south 

line of the pattent, the extent of other bounds to be full thirty miles distant from 

iBy or either of the foresajd tonnes, & what tonnes or villages socuer shall here- 

tfter be erected within the foresajd precincts to be & belong to the sajd county ; 

and fortlier, that the sajd county shall be called Hampshire, & shall haue &, 

eojoTthe libertjes dt priviledges of any other county ; & that Springfeild shall 

be tile cdiire toune tnere, &, the Courts to be kept one time at Spring^feild & 

another time at Northampton ; the like order to be observed for their shire meet- 

iags, that is to say, one yeere at one toune, &, the next yeare at the other, from 

tune to tjme. And it is further ordered, that all the inhabitants of that shire 

ikall pay their publicke rates to the countrey in fatt catle, or young catle, such as 

tre fitt to be putt off, that no vnnecessary damage be put on the countzy ; &- in 

CMB they make payment in come, then to be made at such prises as the same doe 

commonly passe amongst themselves, any other former or annuall orders referring 

to the prises of corne notwithstanding. 


When Hampshire was incorporated, it had but three towns, 
Springfield, Northampton and Hadley. Westfield was allowed 
to be a township, May 19, 1669. Hatfield was incorporated 
May 31, 1670 ; it was settled before Westfield. Deerfield* 
was allowed the " liberty of a township," May 7, 1673 ; it was 
destroyed in 1675 and re-settled about 1682. Brookfield was 
incorporated Oct. 16, 1673 ; it was destroyed in 1676 and 
rensettled by a few, and a garrison was kept there. It had 
not town privileges again till 1718. Suflield, often called 
Southfield, nad an informal incorporation, June 3, 1674 ; the 
people dispersed in 1676, and returned after the Indian war. 
fenneld was made a town. May 16, 1683. These nine towns 
(including Brookfield) composed the county of Hampshire in 
1700. Squakeag, (Northfield,) granted in 1672, had been 
twice settled and twice broken up. Swampfield, (Sunderland,) 
was granted in 1673, to sundry inhabitants of Hadley, and 
preparations were made for settlement, but owing to Indian 
wars, and fear of Indians, it remained desolate forty years* 
Longmeadow and West Springfield were old settlements, but 
belonged to Springfield. 

Nine churches were organized in the county before 1700, 
viz., 1st, at Springfield ; 2d, Hadley ; 3d, Northampton, 1661 ; 
4th, Hatfield, 1671 ; 6th, Westfield, 1679 ; 6th, Deerfield, 
1688 ; Suffield ; Enfield ; West Springfield, 1698. 

Courts in Hampshire. — County Courts were regularly held 
twice a year, viz., at Northampton in March, and at Spring- 
field in September. They had probate jurisdiction. Capital 
causes were tried by the Court of Assistants at Boston, and 
not by County Courts. The Hampshire courts were held by 
the Springfield conunissioners till March, 1663, excepting two 
courts where John Webster was the principal judge. In 
1663, 1664 and in March, 1666, the courts were held by the 
town commissioners of the three towns. From 1666 to 1687, 
one or two magistrates with two, three or four men, nominated 
by the freemen of the county, and approved by the General 
Court, and called Associates, were judges of the County 
Courts. John Pynchon was the first magistratet in Hamp- 
shire county, and was chosen in 1665, and Peter Tilton was 
the second, in 1680. They presided in the County Courts, 
and were members of the house of magistrates at Boston, and 
judges of the Court of Assistants. John Webster and some 
others had " magistratical power," but it did not extend 

* It was then Pacomtuck. It had no other incorporation. 

tHis father, William Pynchon, was a magistrate at Springfield manj jeaz8» 
before there was any Hampshire county. 


beyond the county- From 1663 to 1687, the commissioners 
and associate judges from Hadley were Henry Clarke, 11 
years, Samuel Smith, 8 years, Andrew Bacon, Peter Tilton 
and Philip Smith, about 3 years each, and Samuel Partrigg, 
one year. Capt. Aaron Cooke was one of the justices of the 
Gooits from 1687 until his death in 1716. 

The courts were differently formed under Andros in 1687 ; 
and under the new charter, 1692, a Superior Court was sub- 
stituted for a Court of Assistants, and Courts of Sessions, of 
Common Pleas, and of Probate, for County Courts* — ^Provision 
was made for a yearly session of the Superior Court at Spring- 
field, but owing to hazard from the Indians, and the necessity 
of a ^ard for the judges, it is supposed that no regular 
Superior Court was held m Hampshire county till some years 
after 1700, perhaps not till 1716. In 1698, some judges that 
came up to Springfield, to try a person for murder, had a 
guard up of 26 troopers. 

Twelve jurors from the towns attended at every County 
Court. There .was but one jury previous to 1687, the jury of 
trials serving as a grand jur}% as provided in the act incorpo- 
rating Hadley, May 22, 1661. The Court remarked in 1676, 
that this was allowed as a favor, the county being small, to 

{irevent the charge of two juries. Corporal Richard Coy, 
irom whom Coy's Hill received its name, was a juror from 
Brookfield in 1674 and in March, 1675, but that place, which 
was laid waste in 1675, sent no other juror for more than 
40 years. 

A county Treasurer was chosen yearly. Peter Tilton held 
ihe office about ten years. A county Marshal was appointed 
by the court in 1668. After 1692, there was a county Sheriff 
instead of a Marshal. The second Samuel Porter held the 
office several years, and in 1696, executed two Indians for 
murder. Elizur Holyoke was Recorder of the courts from 
1660 to his death in 1676. Samuel Partrigg succeeded for 
Korthampton courts, and John Holyoke for Springfield courts. 
James Cornish was Clerk under Andros, 1687 to 1689. 

A prison or House of Correction, with a house for the 
pison keeper under the same roof, was begun at Springfield 
m 1661 and finished in 1668. Most of the boards, plank and 
timber were sawed by hand. It was 40 feet long. Simon 
Lobdell was the first prison keeper in 1668. It was burnt by 
the Indians in 1675, and another was built, 1677 — 1680, which 
cost about 60^. 

A prison was built in Northampton in 1707, 24 by 16 feet 
besides the chimney, and a small house at the end for the 
keeper. It stood near the site of the new town hall. 

96 merroBT of hadlet. 

Town marks in Hampshire. — ^Every town was required to 
have a distinct mark for cattle and horses, appointed by the 
General Court, and all these animals which fea in open com- 
mon without constant keepers, were to have a brand-mark 
upon the horn, or left buttock or shoulder, that it might be 
known to what town they belonged. In 1681, brand-marks 
were ordered by the Court for the Hampshire towns, viz., 
S. P. for Springfield, N. H. for Northampton, H. D. for Hadley, 
H. F. for Hatfield, W. F. for Westfield, and S. and something 
else for Suffield. The two letters for each town were united, 
as H) for Hadley. 

Hadley Cases in Court. 

The people of Hadley were in general staid, regular and 
peaceful, and not inclined to quarrels and law-suits. Most of 
the people of Northampton and Hatfield were similar. There 
were more contentious and litigious persons in the southern 
towns in the county, especially in Suffield. Hadley people 
had but little business tor the courts^ Misdemeanors were 
rare, and those who committed them were usually servants, 
transient persons, or a few vdld young men of the town, 
A large portion of the white servants m this country for a 
century were Europeans, brought over by captains of vessels 
and their services sold for a few years, to pay their passage. 
The poor people of Great Britain could come to the colonies 
in no other way. 

1662. Richard Fellows sned Judith Yarlete (a Dutch woman) of Hartford, for 
defamation, in raying Fellows had played the rogue. Jury found for pUdntifF 
lOs. damages, and 138. 6d. costs. 

1662. William Pixlcy vs. Joseph Root of Northampton, for slander. The jmj 
found for Pixloy, £iO. 

1663. Benjamin Wait, for being the author of a libelous writing found aboat 
Goodwife Hawks*s door, defaming ncr, was to pay her 5X and pay costs. 

1664. Hadley was fined 40 shillings, for not procecuting their appeal from fhe 
County Court to the Court of Assistants, in the case of Ridiard Billings, respect- 
ing land. 

1664. Richard Goodman had a servant named John Mardin. He ran away, 
and stole a gun, powder and a hdkf. He was taken at Windsor : and was aes- 
tenced to be whipped 10 stripes. The damages and expenses amounted to £^0A, 
and he was to pay this, by serving his master 6 months after his apprenticeship 
had expired. 

.. 1665. The legatees of John Barnard demanded of Andrew Warner, pay for A 
malt-house, which was burnt down in his occupation. The parties agreed. 

1666. Thomas Meekins, the miller on the west side, was fined £. 4d. for not 
carrying his weights and measures to the sealer when notified. 

1666. Wm. Goodwin had a servant named Thomas Helme, and Stephen Tenr 
had one named Joshua Wills. Both ran away, and took a horse from Mr. Gk)od- 
win and some other things. The horse valued at 10J& was lost, and they were 
onlcrcd to pay treble damage, 30£, and charges, iClO, lis. Helme was to serve 
Mr. Goodwin two years and Wills to servo him 18 months, and Mr. Teny 6 
months, after their time had expired. Also both fined 40 shillings each. 

1668. Sept. Hadley was presented for one or two defective bridges in the way 
between Hadley and Chickopee river. They amended the defects, and were 


Death of Samuel Nash and Decision of the Court 
" Kaj 23, 1668. A Jury of twelve men was summoned by the Constable of 
Hadlev to enquire concerning the sudden and untimely death of Samuel, son of 
Timothy Nash. 

The child was about 9 or 10 years old. Mr. Henry Clark and Andrew Bacon 
ffave the jury their oath. They, after diligent search respecting the cause of this 
death, did find : — ' That said boy coming nding upon a mare from pasture, having 
a long rope ftstened about the mare's neck, & fastened about the boy's waist, a 
dog^ cominr out, frightened the mare, so that the mare threw the boy & ran 
away with nim, dragging liim about 40 rods, and broke over five rails, the rails 
bein^ broken down, he was dragged over them into and through a narrow gate, 
into nia father's yard, and died rorthwith.' [Signed by 12 Hadlcy men.] 

" Att a County Corte* holdcn at Northampton ye 30th day of ye 1st Month 1669 
[Ifarch 30, 16^.1 

•« Tymothy Nasn of Hadley presenting a complaynt this winter before ve wor- 
■hipfull Capt Pynchon agaiast Mr Goodwin concerning the untimely death of 
hia child ye last summer, and the sde Capt Pynchon by warrant under his hand 
dated Feb. 27 — 6d warning the sde Mr Goodwin to appeare at this Corte, he being 
-very weake in body &, not able to attend ye Corte in nis own person, Mr Andrew 
Bacon and William Lewis appeared to answer on his behalfe. And now at this 
Corte the sde Timothy Nash presented his complt in that Iiis child, a member of 
this Common Wealth is lost ; and that as he apprehends by means of Mr. Good- 
win! dog frightening the mare upon which the cnild rode shee throwing the child. 
The Corte having heard ye case lon^ debated &, cx)nsidered ye allegations &> 
eiridences on all hands doe conceive & judge yt there is not ground to lay such 
blame on Mr. Goodwin as is pretended in the sde Timothy Nash his complt, for 
jt it doth not appeare yt Mr. Goodwin or Mrs. Goodwin had sufficient notice 
giTen them of tneir dogs curstness or any due warning to restrayne their dog ; 
and therefore the Corte doth acquitt them, as to have such Icgall warning as 
aforemud ; But yet inasmuch as it appcares that the sde do^ was something more 
than ordinary active in running after persons riding their horses in ye street 
whereby diverse persons have had falls from their horses. This Corte doth appre- 
hend that Mr. Goodwin or Mrs. Goodwin might probably know something yt 
way, and Mr. Crow who exercised care about Mr. Goodwin's affaires : And there- 
fine yt they may be blame worthy in not taking care as they ought, to have 
TCStraynd that dog. And therefore this Corte doth bcare witness against all neg- 
leets m such makers whereby the lives of persons may be hozzarded. Also ye 
Corte apprehends that the said dog hath been partly an occasion of the death of 
the said child, though yet divers other things did concur to yt sad accident, but 
specially the child's winding a rope about its own wast ye other end whereof was 
tyed alwnt ye mare^s neck, &. the child having nothing whereby he might well rule 
her.Tt when shee threw ye child, shee dragged him after her to its destruction. 
^ ^nerefore the Corte also accountcth Goodin. Nash or his Wife blame worthy 
in not haveing a more strict watch over their son, but letting him go to fetch ye 
mnfirom pasture with such meane tackling. And there being much trouble in 
iMtting this case, the Corte ordered yt Mr. Goodwin and Goodman Nash shall 
pty lUt. apiece towards defraying Corte charges." 

Bemarks by Kev. Sylvester Nash. — The decision of the Court obviously turned 
<Mi i legal quibble, viz., the want of legal noliccj while the court allowed that 
Hr. Okwdwin probably knew of his dog's eurslness. And well they might, if 
diverse yenona had been thrown from their horses, endangering their lives ! 
The decision may be deemed at least a legal curiosUy, 

160B. The names of several i>ersons in Hadlcy were returned to the court, for 
aot living under family government. The court ordered the selectmen of Hadley 
^ inquire into such disorders, and settle young persons under government, 
ittormng to law. 

1670. Kichard Fellows (son of Richard) and Benjamin Allen, of the west side, 
ftr coming into the yard of Thomas Meckins, Jr. and cutting off the hair of the 
Buuie and tail of his horse, were fined one 3<)s., the other 15s. Allen was a servant. 
1670. March. Mr. Kussell's negro servant, Margaret, had a child, and was to 
be whipped 15 stripes ; and tlie father, John Garret, was to be whipped 24 stripes, 
•ad pay to Mr. Russell £7, 10s. 

* Corte is a contraction of the recorder for Courte, 



1674. Hezekiah Dickinson sued Garret Tnenson of Albany. Jnry found for 
Dickinson, 16 pounds of beaver, and costs, 29s. 6d. [There was some trade bj 
people on this river with the Dutch at Albany.] 

1675. March. Joseph Seldinp^ was presented for cutting and disfig^uring Jolm 
Smith's horse. Maj. Pjnchon was directed to deal with him. 

1676. Sept. Joseph Selding was fined 20 shillings for abusing the Constable. 

Great Riot in Hadley, chiefly of young men, Feb. 15, 1676. 
— ^At March court, 1676, nine men were charged with being 
actors in a riotous assembly in Hadley, on the 15th of Feb- 
ruary, where there was a public affronting of authority, in the 
stopping and hindering oi the execution of a sentence which 
was ordered by authority. The record does not tell what the 
sentence was, nor against whom it was directed. It was in 
the time of Philip's war, when there were many soldiers in 

Edward Grannis was a leader in the riotous assembly, and said the sentence 
should not be executed. He was adjudged to be whipped 12 stripes, well laid on. 
Jonathan Gilbert, Jr. and Joseph Selding were bound in a bond of 10 

Smnds each for good behavior. Thomas Dickinson was fined 3£. Nehemiah 
ickinson, William Rookcr, Thomas Croft and Jonathan Marsh were fined S£ 
each. Samuel Barnard was present in the riotous assembly with his club, thongh 
his father, Francis Barnard, commanded him not to bo there, and he was accnaed 
of plotting with some of the garrison soldiers to go to Narraganset. The court 
adjudged liim to be whipped 12 stripes, but he made a humble acknowledgment, 
and his father pleaded tor him. and his sentence was changed to a fine of 5£. 

1677. Daniel Hovey vs. Mr. John Russell, Jr. for defaming him at the last 
court in Springfield, by saying he was a man of scandalous life. Jury brought 
in for Hovey, cost of court, 33s. 6d. 

1677. John Fisher of Hadley, for slandering and reviling Thomas Beaman of 

Hatfield and his mother, saying that he was the son of a w and that hia 

mother was a witch and that he looked like one, was ordered to pay the coonty 
20s. and Thomas Beaman 408. [To say that a person was a witch and had 
bewitched any one, was slanderous and actionable in England. — Comyns.] 

1677. Thomas Beaman was ordered to pay lUs. to the county and 10s. to John 
Fisher, for falling upon him and beating him. 

1678. Jane Jackson, servant of Lt. Philip Smith, had stolen firom her master, 
and then lied about it. Sentenced to be whipped 20 lashes, upon her naked back 
which punishment was performed in Court. [She would have been hanged 
for stealing in England.] 

1682. Gershom Hawks for having a pack of cards and refusing to tell whose 
they were, was fined 20s. 

1682. March. Joseph Kellogg, Jr. and Gershom Hawks were fined lOs. eadi 
for breach of the Sabbath, having traveled till midnight in the night before the 

1683. William Wake, a vagabond, for enticine away the servant of Joseph 
Selding, and stealing some of his goods, was adjudged to be whipped on ms 
naked Dody 20 lashes, well laid on. 

1686. March. Cyrus, Mr. Russell's negro, for fraudulent dealings with the 
Indians and violent carriages in his master's house, was to be whipped 15 stripes 
at Hadley, on the next Lecture day, or pay 50s. to satisfy the Indians, &c. 

1690. An illegitimate child was born in Hadley in 1690, the only white child 
bom out of wedlock in Hadley in the 17th century. The parents were married a 
few months after. 

1693. Mr. Peter Golding of Hadley was fined 5JC for scurrilous and vilifying 
expressions respecting Peter Tilton, Esq., charging him with packing a court, dtc 
Mr. Golding appealed to the Superior Court at Charlestown. 

1696. Joseph Selden, (or Selding,) being in the court room when two of his 
relatives named Church were fined 20s. each for abusing the constable, spoke 
out, and said there was no color of law in what was done ; that the men were not 


guilty; and when in discourse, Samnel Partridge, Esq., one of the josticefl, said, 
" 80 it seems," Selden, in a scoffing manner replied, " so it seems," and again 
Partridge said *' so it seems," and again Selden replied " so it seems." Fiu*Uier, 
Selden took nn the tongs in the room where the justices sat and lit his pipe, and 
threw down toe tong^ violently and used many unhandsome expressions. He 
was fined 20 shillings. [This Joseph Selden, so passionate and unruly in Hadley, 
became a wealthy and respectable man, in the north part of Lyme, Conn.] 

Wearing of the river.— dn 1692, the year of the ereat flood, the river did much 
damage to the county road at the south end of tiie town (village.) The court 
^pointed three men of Northampton, to join with the selectmen of Uadley, and 
consider what must be done to settle said highway. — The river had been wearing 
there some years. This is the first notice of it by the County Court. 

Law regulating dress. — Sumptuary laws restraining excess 
of apparel in some classes, were common in England and 
other nations for centuries. Massachusetts enacted such a 
law in 1651, ordering that persons whose estates did not 
exceed 200 pounds, and those dependent on them, should not 
•wear gold or silver lace, gold or silver buttons, bone lace 
above 2s. per yard, or silk hoods or scarfs, upon penalty of 
IDs. for each offence. Any persons wearing such articles 
might be assessed in country rates, as if they had estates of 
200 pounds. 

The first attempt to have this law observed in Hampshire, 
was made in 1673. At the March court, 25 wives and 6 
maids, belonginff to Springfield, Northampton, Hadley, Hat- 
field and Westfietd, were presented by the jury, as persons of 
small estate, who " use to wear silk contrary to law." Six 
of these belonged to Hadley, viz.. 
Wife of John Westcarr — was acquitted. 

" Joseph Barnard — was fined 10s. and cost, 2s. 6d. 
" Thomas Wells, Jr. — was admonished. 
" Edward Graunis — was admonished. 
" Joseph Kellogg — was acquitted. 
Maid, Mary Broughton — was admonished. 
Of the thirty, only three were fined, and the fines were 
Kmitted at the next court. 

At the March court, 1674, the wife of Edward Grannis was 
again presented for wearing silk. Her silk hood and scarf 
were brought into court, and " though something worn, they 
had been good silk." She was fined 10 shillings. 

At the March court, 1676, the jury presented 68 persons, 
from five towns, viz., 3S wives and maids, and 30 young men, 
"some for wearing silk and that in a flaunting manner, and 
others for long hair and other extravagancies." Two were 
fined 10 shillings, and many of the others were ordered to pay 
flie clerk's fees, 2s. 6d. each. There were ten from Hadley, 
viz., Joseph Barnard and his wife Sarah, and his sister Sarah, 
William Rooker, Thomas Crofts, Jonathan Wells, Joseph 
Grannis, Nehemiah Dickinson, wife of Mark Warner ; and 


the wife of Thomas Wells, Jr. who was fined 10 shillings. 
Nine were admonished and ordered to pay the clerk's fees. 
Several of the 68 presented were wives, daughters or sons of 
xnen of good estate. Two unmarried daughters of Elder John 
Strong of Northampton were of this number. 

In January, 1677, Mrs. Hannah Westcarr, " for wearing silk 
in a flaunting garb, to the great ofience of several sober per- 
sons in Hadley" was admonished to reform. Her husband 
died the year before and left her an estate of 431 pounds. At 
the same court, a daughter of Joseph Baldwin, Jr., the wives 
of Joseph Gaylord and Thomas Selding, Kuth Warner and 
Mercy Hubbard, for wearing silk contrary to law, and two of 
of them for wearing it " in a flaunting manner, and excess of 
apparel to the ofience of sober people," were admonished and 
oraered to pay the clerk's fees and the witnesses. Andrew 
Warner, the fether of Ruth, was worth 366£. If Mercy 
Hubbard was a daughter of John H., her father died worth 
106dj£. Estates seem not to have been much regarded. 

In March, 1678, 8 females of Northampton, Springfield, &c. 
were complained of for wearing silk contrary to law, in this 
day of calamity and trouble. Two were fined 10 shillings, 
some paid clerk's fees, and some were referred to another 

The boldest of these females was Hannah Lyman, 16 years 
of age, daughter of Richard Lyman, of Northampton, deceased. 
She was presented September, 1676, " for wearing silk in a 
flaunting manner in an ofiensive way and garb, not only 
before, but when she stood presented, not only in ordinary 
but in extraordinary times." She was fined lOs., Jan. 1677. 

The March Courts in those days were held at the house of 
Henry Woodward in Northampton, who kept an ordinary, near 
where Samuel F. L)nnan now resides. Most of these women 
and men from five towns, came to this house, and appeared 
before the judges in the court-room. They, and the spectators 
attracted by the novelty of the scene, must have tilled the 
house. Those on the bench when the females appeared 
in court, March, 1673, were John Pynchon and Elizur Holyoke 
of Springfield, William Clarke of Northampton, and Henry 
Clarke of Hadley. 

In September, 1682, the selectmen of the five towns were 
all presented to the court, for not assessing according to law, 
their inhabitants that wore silk and were excessive in their 
apparel. The court endeavored to stir up the selectmen to 
assess those wearing unsuitable, and excessive apparel, but it 
was too late ; the women had already gained the victory, and 
no longer feared fines or taxes for wearing silks. — ^Many good 


men lamented the extravagance of the age, and the love of 
finery, among the women. 

Expenses of Hampshire Courts. — Their sessions continued 
one, two or three days. The commissioners or judges, jurors 
and a constable, or marshal, making 16 to 18 persons, dined 
together, or dined at the same price, every court day, at the 
ordinary where the court sat, and those from other towns had 
sapper, lodging, and breakfast. Some wine and considerable 
beer were arank. The judges and jurymen of these upper 
towns, in order to attend court one day at Springfield, had to 
be absent two nights. They lived well, the ordinary keeper 
charging much more than the common price for their meals. 
Their food, drink and horse-keeping, which were paid for by 
the county, seem to have been the principal compensation 
that they received. John Pynchon kept an account of the 
court expenses at the ordinaries, but neither he nor the recorder 
of the courts noticed the pay of the judges and jurors, and what 
they received is unknown. Many of the entries of actions and 
of the fines, and sometimes a part of the county rate, seem to 
have been required to pay the ordinary keepers for court expen- 
ses, which amounted to fi*om 4 to 9^ at each court. The record 
twice mentions that most of the county rate was needed to pay 
the county reward for killing wolves. The keepers of ordinaries 
received nothing directly for the room used by the court and 
fire. Litigation was not cheap in Massachusetts. Every per- 
son that sued another in a county court was required to pay 
10 shillings for the entry of his action. 

Hampshire Transportation down and up the river. — All the 
produce that went to Boston was carried down the river, and 
all the merchandise from that place, except some light arti- 
cles, was brought up the river. At Springfield, they had 
snail boats, carrying perhaps two, three or four tons, which, 
in the accounts oi William rynchon and John Pynchon, were 
named canoes. Each boat was managed by two men down 
and up the river and falls, (now called Enfield Falls.) Grain 
was carried to Hartford in these boats, sometimes at 4d. or 6d. 
per bushel, but a more common price was 6 pence. Barrels 
of flour and pork were carried at Is. 9d. to 28. each, and hhds. 
of beaver at 2s. 6d. each. Goods were brought up at 12 shil- 
lings per ton, hhds. at ds. (probably of 63 gallons,) and salt 
at 6d. to 8d. per bushel. 

For some years, Northampton and Hadley carted their 
grain to Windsor, through Westfield, but as early as 1667 
and 1668, Samuel Porter and John Smith of Hadley, had a 
boat on the river, and boated some for Pynchon. After a 
road was laid near the Connecticut in 1673, if not before, 


Hadley had a landing-place on the river below Willimanset 
Falls, and Northampton and Hatfield had one on the west side. 
Grain was carted from Hadley to the landing at 4 pence per 
bushel, or 10 shillings for a cart-load of 30 bushels. The 
freight from this landing to Springfield was two pence per 
bushel. The freight of grain from Hadley to Hartford was 
usually one shilling per bushel, but sometimes one or two 
pence less. In Pynchon's books, the price of a bushel of 

f;rain received at Northampton or Hadley, was always 6 pence 
ess than when received at Springfield, and one shilling less 
than at Hartford. Grain was conveyed from Hartford, Strat- 
ford, &c. to Boston for 6 pence per bushel. Barrels of pork 
and flour, both large, were carried from Hadley to Hartford 
for 3s. 6d. to 4s. per barrel, and from Hartford to Boston at 
about 3s. 

It is supposed that the first settlers of Hadley and Hat- 
field came up on the Northampton " cartway to Windsor,'* 
having their own horses, oxen and carts to convey the women 
and children and some of the men, and the household goods 
and farming implements. The Springfield boats sometimes 
brought up the furniture of families removing. 

Sleds in Hampshire. — The first settlers of New England 
knew nothing about sleds and sleighs, nor did they use them 
for some years. Heavy sleds were used long before sleighs. 
In Hampshire, wood was sometimes sledded before 1670, but 
in general, it was carted long after that date. For many 
years, logs were conveyed to saw-pits and saw-mills on wheels, 
and almost every thing was carted. In 1683, Hatfield voted 
that all men and teams should turn out on the 5th and 6th of 
November, and cut and cart Mr. Chauncey's wood. Here 
were 60 cords of green wood to be carted three weeks before 
winter. Logs were carted to John Pynchon's saw-mill for 
some years after 1667, but in 1674 he bought a sled, and 
many logs were sledded. Sleds did not convey produce to 
Hartford from this valley, or from Springfield, till the latter 
part of the century, and perhaps not till after 1700. Oxen 
seem not to have been shod in Hampshire in the 17th century. 
The people did not keep open sled roads in the winter, even 
for 15 or 20 miles. There were no sleigh-rides in these towns 
till afl;er 1730 or 1740. 

Prices of Grain in Hampshire in the 17th Century. 

The prices of grain in Hadley, for the payment of their 
minister, school-masters, town rates and private debts, for near 
40 years, were as follows : — winter wheat, 3s. 3d., summer 
wheat, 38., peas, 28. 6d., Indian corn, Ss. Rye was raised 


after 1680, and the price was 2s. 6(1. Barley was sometimes 
38. and malt, 3s. 6d., meslin, 3s. and oats, Is. 6d. The prices 
iwere nearly the same in Northuniptou and Hatfield. Winter 
T^heat was sometimes 3s. 6d. The money prices of grain, 
"when noticed, which was not often, were one-fourth less, and 
sometimes still lower. — The nominal prices advanced in 
Hadley a year or two before 1700. Winter wheat was 4s., 
summer wheat, 3s. 6d., peas, 3s. and rye, 3s. Indian corn 
-was 2s. as before. One-third was deducted from these prices 
to bring them to what were called money prices, which were 
for winter wheat, 2s. 8d., summer wheat, 2s. 4d., peas and 
lye, 2s. and com. Is. 4d. The value of the coins referred to 
as money, did not vary much from 6s. 8d. for an ^unce of 
silver, or 6 shillings for a piece of eight, or Spanish dollar. 

Flour in Hadley and Northampton was sold at from 11 to 
12 sliil lings for 112 pounds. It was about one shilling per 
cwt. hieher at Springfield and near 2 shillings at Hartford. 
Most 01 the barrels held from 260 to 280 pounds, and some 
above 300 pounds. The price of barrels was from 2s. to 
28. 6d. A bushel of spring wheat yielded about 34 pounds of 
good flour. 

John Pynchon's prices at Springfield, which he called 
" town prices," for about 40 years, were for winter wheat, 4s., 
summer wheat, 3s. 6d., peas, 2s. 6d. to 3s., rye, 3s., Indian 
corn, 2s. 6d. His prices were commonly about 6 pence a 
bushel higher than those at Northampton and Hadley. He 
sometimes sent to Boston more than 2000 bushels of wheat 
and peas in a year. Indian corn was not sent to Boston. A 
large portion of the wheat raised in Hampshure and Connecti- 
cut was spring wheat, usually called summer wheat in the 
17th century. 

In Connecticut, the prices of grain received for country 
rates, as fixed by the General Court for near half a century, 
were for winter wheat, 4s. 6d., summer wheat, 4s., peas and 

Se, 3s., Indian corn, 2s. 6d. There were a few variations, 
inter wheat was not named till 1677. These were the 
common prices at Hartford, and had much influence on the 
prices up the river, especially of wheat. After 1680, one- 
third of the tax was to oe abated, if paid in money, and for 
three years, one-half was to be abated, if paid in money. 
This was reducing grain to very low prices in money. 

Massachusetts received grain for country rates at higher 
prices. For more than 40 years, with a few exceptions, wheat, 
without any distinction of winter and summer, was 6s.; barley, 
malt, peas and rye, 4s.; Indian corn, 3s. After 1672, one- 
quarter or one-third of the tax was to be abated if paid in 


money, and for two years, one-half was to be abated for 

Grain and other articles at colony prices were called 
" country pay" or " provision pay" or simply " pay ;" in 
Hampshire, produce at town prices was sometimes called 
" provision pay" or " pay." 

Hampshire Contributions for Harvard College. — ^A contri- 
bution was made throughout the colony, commencing in 1672, 
for a new college building. About ^£1989 were received from 
towns and individuals, in a few years. '^ A fair and stately 
brick edifice" was erected. The contributions in produce 
from the Hampshire towns, after taking out the expense of 
transportation, were as follows : — 


Hadley, ... 33 

Northampton, • • .20 

Springfield, ... 17 

Hatfield, . . • .14 

Westfield, ... 12 

Northampton contributed ^29.17.10 in Sax, summer wheat, 
and flour, but the freight, shrinkage, casks, &c. reduced it 
almost one-third. 














Lands in New England before it was settled by the English — Indian BomingB— 
Bushes — Burnings by the English — ^Wood and Timber — Fire-wood — ^Building 
Timber — Rift Timber — Clapboards — Saw-logs — ^Pasturing domestic Jtwimnlg in 
the woods. 

New England was far from being an unbroken wilderness 
when first settled by the English. In the vicinity of the 
Indian settlements, there were not only plats of cleared land, 
upon which the squaws raised Indian com, beans and squashes, 
but many openings where the earth was covered with grass, 
and extensive tracts of woodland, where the trees were so 
scattered that green herbage, and even strawberries, flourished 
among them. The early writers compared these thin forests 
to the English parks. Mr. Graves, wrote from Salem, in 
1629, that the country was "very beautiful in open lands 
mixed with goodly woods, and again open plains, in some 
places 500 acres, some more some less, not much troublesome 
to clear for the plough." ** The grass and weeds grow up to 


a man's face ; in the lowlands and by fresh rirers abundance 
of grass, and large meadows without any tree or shrub." 

The burning of the grass and leaves by the Indians is 
noticed by Morton, in 1632. He says the savages bum the 
country, that it may not be overgrown with underwood. The 
burning makes the country passable by destro3ring the brush- 
wood. It scorches the older trees and hinders their growth. 
•* The trees grow here and there as in our parks, and make 
the country very beautiful." Wood, in 1634, says, "in many 
places, divers acres are clear, so that one may ride a hunting 
m most places of the land. There is no underwood, save in 
swamps and low grounds ; for it being the custom of the 
Indians to bum the woods in November, when the grass is 
withered and leaves dried, it consumes all the underwood and 
rubbish." He says there is good fodder in the woods where 
the trees are thin ; and in the spring, the grass grows rapidlj 
on the burnt lands. Vanderdonck, a Dutch writer, in his 
" Description of the New Netherlands," now New York, about 
1653, describes the burning of the woods. " The Indians 
have a yearly custom, which some of our Christians have 
adopted, of burning the woods, plains and meadows in the 
Ml of the year, when the leaves have fallen and the grass and 
vegetables are dry. This 'bush-burning,' as it is called, is 
done to render hunting easier, and to make the grass grow. 
The raging fire presents a grand and sublime appearance. 
Green trees in the woodlands do not suffer much." 

These accounts, relating to other parts of the country, will 
lielp us to form some general idea of the lands, forests, and 
natural scenery in the vicinity of the Connecticut, when first 
powessed by the English. No early writer has given a 
description of this part of Massachusetts, nor indeed of any 
portion of the country on the borders of this river, but we 
niay safely conclude that there were Indian com-fields, green 
meadows, grassy uplands in scattered, open woods, and dense 
forests on wet lands, in this Norwottuck valley. There 
was wild, and perhaps gloomy scenery, but there must have 
been much that was pleasant and beautiful. 

The first planters of New England were entirely unaccus- 
tomed to the business of clearing woodlands, and they selected 
places where they could immediately begin to cultivate the 
eartL They found the best lands generally divested of timber. 
The intervals or rich alluvial lands, upon the Connecticut and 
its tributary streams, were more free from trees than the 
adjoining uplands. The first settlers of Northampton, Hadley 
and Hatfield, found plenty of land ready for the plow, and 
began to raise Indian com and other grain, and to mow grass, 


106 mfirroBT of hadlet. 

as soon as they had fixed themselves in these places. Nor did 
their homelots upon higher ground require much clearing. 
The upland woods on each side of the river, above and below 
these towns, were passable for men on horseback, and with 
little preparation, for carts. In Philip's war, and in later 
years, companies of horsemen, and larger bodies of foot soldiers 
seem to have penetrated the woods without diificulty in every 

Growth of Bushes. — ^After the Indians ceased to burn over 
a tract of land, bushes and brambles commonly began to 
grow abundantly upon it. When some of the people of 
Northampton petitioned for a plantation at Squakeag (North- 
field) in 1671, they stated that the Indians had deserted the 
place, and that for want of inhabitants to burn the meadows 
and woods, the underwood had increased, "which will be 
very prejudicial to those that shall come to inhabit, and the 
longer, the worse." The inhabitants upon Connecticut River 
were greatly annoyed by the bushes that sprung up so plenti- 
fully in their homelots, highways and elsewhere. There was 
so little travel within and between the towns with wheels 
and two animals abreast, that the bushes choked up the ways 
and it was difficult to keep an open path. In Connecticut, a 
law obliged every man to work one day in the year in clear- 
ing bushes from the highways. Hadley adopted a similar 
by-law in 1693. 

Burning over the lands by the English. — The woods were 
for a long time the pasture grounds of all kinds of domestic 
animals. The inhabitants fired them annually, as the Indians 
had done before. They did not set fires near their habita- 
tions and fenced fields, but in the more distant parts of the 
township. Massachusetts enacted a law forbidding any person 
to set the common woodlands on fire, except between March 
10th and April 30th. 

According to tradition, there were some splendid burnings 
in the woods on the hills and mountains, around this valley, 
especially in the night. The people of Hadley not only burnt 
over their own lands, but extended their fires to the hills of 
Pelham and Belchertown, in order to increase their pasturage. 
Brookfield burnt over the lands in Ware, and they were called 
" Brookfield pastures." Northampton and Hatfield spread 
tbeir fires westerly over the hills ol Westhampton, Williams- 
burgh, &c. These burnings continued in many places down 
to 1750, and later. A law of Massachusetts in 1743, made to 
restrain such fires, says the burning of the woods greatly 
impoverishes the soil, prevents the growth of wood, and 
destroys much fence. Traditional accounts say that the 


woods were so free from underbrush and the trees so thinly 
scattered, that a deer oould be seen 40 rods on the wooded 
hills. The burnings were as favorable to the white deer- 
hunters as they were of old to the Indian hunters. 

Wood and Timber. — The annual burnings by the Indians, 
and afterwards by the whites, destroyed small trees and 
hindered the growth of large ones, and valuable timber was 
not so plenty as some have imagined. Some of the towns on 
the river had fears about a scarcity of timber in early days. 
Springfield voted in 1647, that no timber, boards, planks, 
shingle-timber, nor pipe staves should be carried out of the 
town, from the east side of the river. Hatfield voted, in 1671, 
that no man should sell clapboards, shingles or rails, out of 
the town, and coopering stuff was not to be sold out of the 
town until wrought into casks. In May, 1706, this prohibition 
was so far relaxed as to permit John Field, Jr. to transport 
shingles " to supply those whose houses were burnt down in 
Hadley."* Northampton, in 1699, " considering the great 
difficulty we are in to get fire-wood," ordered that no staddles 
should be cut, that were less than 9 inches in diameter. 
Hadley, in 1713, ordered that no oak staddles under 12 inches 
in diameter should be cut, on penalty of 6 shillings. These 
town votes all relate to common lands. They clearly evince 
that timber was not very abundant. 

Fire-wood. — Much of the fuel consumed in Hadley, durinff 
the 17th, and a great part of the 18th century, was oak and 
walnut. From some regulations in 1733 and 1737, it appears 
that oak, walnut, maple and elm were then chiefly used. 
Kne, chestnut and other soft woods, were not extensively 
employed as fuel until a much more recent period. From 
the supplies of wood given to clergymen, some idea may be 
gained, of the great quantities of wood consumed in the 
spacious fire-places of former days. Hatfield at first gave 
Mr. Chauncey 60 cords of wood annually, and afterwards 60 
cords. South Hadley voted from 60 to 70 loads of wood 
yearly, for Mr. Woodbridge. Hadley gave Mr. Hopkuas 60 
cords, many years. The third precinct in Hadley, now 
Amherst, gave Mr. Parsons, their first minister, 80 loads of 
wood some years, and 90 loads in 1749. Mr. Edwards of 
Korthampton, after 1740, consumed from 75 to 80 loads of 
wood in a year. Wethersfield gave Mr. Woodbridge, (settled 
in 1680,) 80 loads of wood — probably over 50 cords. Some 
persons who had not a study to warm consumed as much 

■This is the only record that remains of the biiniing of houses in Hadley, in 
tie early part of 1706. 


wood as the ministers, or about 50 cords. When Hadley had 
only 100 families, about 1765, the consumption of wood was 
not much less than 3000 cords annually. 

• Building Timber, &c. — The first settlers of New England 
knew the value of oak, but did not at first understand the 
importance of pine. In many places, they not only used oak 
timber for the frames of buildings, but oak clapboards and 
oak shingles, and some used oak boards to wainscot rooms. 
Posts, pales and rails were of oak. Where pine was plenty, 
pine boards were sawed perhaps as early as oak boards, and 
pine shingles and clapboards gradually took the place of those 
of oak. How early the people of Hadley began to use chest- 
nut for posts and rails, is not known. They may have split 
out chefi^ut rails for some of their early meadow and homelot 
fences, but there is no evidence of this. 

The Norwottuck valley was to a considerable extent an 
evergreen region. Pines predominated in many places in 
Hadley, but were mingled with oaks and other trees. 

Rift Timber. — This kind of timber could be rived, cleaved 
or split. One of the first votes of the early settlers of Hadley 
related to it. " Dec. 17, 1660, voted that if any men fell any 
rift timber, and do not rive it out into bolts, pales, rails, clap- 
boards, or shingles, within six weeks, any inhabitant may 
fetch it away for his own use ; and that if any man fell any 
pine timber, and cart it not away in three months, any man 
may make use of it." This vote makes a distinction between 
" rift timber" and " pine timber." The former was apparently 
oak. The articles into which it was rived require some 

Bolts denoted pieces of wood cleft out, in order to be split 
again into shingles, laths, &c. Pales were stakes, posts, and 
any cloven pieces of timber placed upright for a fence. The 
picket fences of door-yards are a light kind of paling. Rails 
were used for post and rail fences. Our fathers had to learn 
how to split rails from logs after they came to this country. 
Zigzag or Virginia fences were unknown. Shingles of oak 
and pine in New England in early days, were from 14 inches 
to 3 feet in length. John Pynchon, when he built his brick 
house in 1660, put on shingles 18 inches long, and an inch 
thick at the tliick end ; but for several other buildings, he 
used shingles 3 feet long. He had cedar shingles for a build- 
ing in 1677. He gave for shingles 18 inches long, 20 shillings 
per thousand, and for the 3 feet shingles, from 35 to £o 

Clapboards. — CoflSn's History of Newbury gives a satisfac- 
tory derivation of this word. '' Clapboards, he says, were 


Qriginally cloven and not sawn, and were thence called clove- 
boards, and in process of time, cloboards, claboards, clap- 
boards." It is quite certain that clapboards were cloven in 
the manner of shingles, in New England, more than a century. 
In England, an act of Parliament under Elizabeth, 1592-3, 
names the timber of which beer and fish casks were made, 
** cloven-borde" and " clapborde." English writers represent 
that clapboards in that country were used by the cooper for 
i^asks, and not by the joiner on buildings. 

The use of short, narrow, cloven boards, over-lapping each 
other, to cover the outside of buildings, seems to have been a 
contrivance of the early settlers of New England, before they 
had saw-mills, and sawn boards were scarce and dear. It 
may be that they had been previously so used in some parts 
of Europe. In this country, they were at first split from oak, 
and afterwards from pine, and made smooth by " hewing,"* 
or shaving. The wages of " rivers of clapboards" and the 
price of clapboards, were regulated by law in some places. 
Their length for a time was various — 3, 4, 5 or 6 feet. In 
the 18th century, the laws of Massachusetts ordered that pine 
clapboards exposed for sale, should be 4 feet 6 inches long, 
5 inches broad and | of an inch thick on the back, and be 
straight and " well shaved." The last law ordering such 
clapboards was passed in the year 1783. Such short, split, 
shaved clapboards may still be seen on some old houses, built 
before the Revolution, in Northampton, Hadley and other 

Saw-logs. — John Pynchon built saw-mills in Springfield, 
Saffield and Enfield. After his first saw-mill in Springfield 
was built in 1667, he hired men to cut logs ready for the saw 
at 8 pence each ; and others were engaged to cart them to 
the mill with their own teams, at Is. 8d. each. They were 
to be between 12 and 25 feet in length and from 17 to 24 
inches in diameter, at the small end. Most of them were 
pine. White oak logs cost much more. In 1684, he gave 
m pine logs at the mill at the rate of Is. 3d. for every hun- 
dred feet of boards which they made. In 1690, Clark and 
Parsons of Northampton, gave for pine logs at the rate of 
Is. 6d. for every hundred feet of boards sawed from them. 

Price of Boards. — Those sawed by hand at Springfield had 
risen to 7 shillings per 100 feet, before Pynchon built his mill 
in 1667. After that, his price was 48. 6d. per 100 feet. The 
price of Clark and Parsons, of Northampton, for many years 

* TKe operatioA of emoothing clapboards and shin^lcfl was called " hewing*' 
ior woasxy yean. Afterwards, iaey were said to be '* ehaved." 


after 1682, was 48. per 100 feet. Their charge for sawing 
boards for others was 28. 6d. per 100 feet. Hadley prices did 
not probably vary much from those of Northampton. These 
prices of logs and boards were all in " provision pay." 

Laths for plastering are rarely named in the writings of the 
17th century. The houses of farmers had very little plaster- 
ing. The wealthy plastered their rooms. 

Pasturing domestic animals in the woods. — The first pas- 
tures in this and other British colonies were the woods, which 
had previously been the hunting grounds of the Indians. The 
inhabitants of the Norwottuck valley had a very wide range 
for their cattle, more than half a century. The great pasture 
of Hadley extended to the north indefinitely, until Sunderland 
was begun in 1714 ; and the eastern limit was Brookfield, or 
the " Brookfield pastures" in Ware, until Amherst was com- 
menced, about 1728. The nearest inhabitants to the south, 
were in the vicmity of Chickopee River, in Springfield, 
previous to the settlement of South Hadley, about 1725. 
Horses, horned cattle, sheep and hogs were pastured upon 
these plains, hills and mountain sides. Goats apparently 
were not kept in Hadley, though some towns in the colony 
had many. Cows were under a keeper, and sheep after they 
were numerous enough for a shepherd. Young horses, hogs, 
and young cattle commonly roved without restraint, but the 
latter sometimes had a keeper. 

A cow-keeper or herdsman was employed in Hadley every 
year, but is seldom mentioned in the record, and information 
respecting this manner of pasturing must be sought in other 
towns. In Hatfield, in 1680 and 1681, a man agreed to keep 
the town herd from early in May to Sept. 29, for 12 shillings 
per week, payable in grain. He was to drive out the herd 
every mornmg by the time the sun was an hour high, take 
them to good feed and bring them home seasonably at night. 
In many places, the wages of a cowherd were 12 shillings per 
week ; in some towns, a little higher. 

A shepherd was not needed in Hadley and Hatfield for 
many years. Those who had a few sheep, kept them on their 
homelots and about the village, until the number was so 
much increased that the owners could afibrd to pay a shep- 
herd. After shepherds were employed, the sheep in both 
towns were folded at night, and the manure was paid for by 
those on whose lands were the pens or folds. In Hatfield, the 
sheep were folded in hurdles or movable pens, which were 
carried from one place to another. The wages of a shepherd 
were ordinarily 12 shillings per week. Hatfield had 273 
sheep in 1691 and 291 in 1699. The Hadley flock increased 


slowly. By a law of the colony, a dog that bit or killed 
sheep was to be hanged.* 

In Hatfield, the cow-keeper and shepherd enjoyed the priv- 
ileges of most of the Sabbaths. In 1672, every man that had 
three cattle on the commons, was to take his turn in keeping 
the herd on Sabbath-days. In 1693, the shepherd was to 
keep the sheep every lOth Sabbath, and the proprietors were 
to guard them 9 Sabbaths in 10. In most of the towns, the 
owners of the herds and flocks took care of them, on many of 
the Sabbaths, that the keepers miffht attend public worship. 

It is presumed that horses and oxen, whose services were 
frequently called for, fed at the bams, on the homelots and in 
the broad streets. Oxen were at times under th6 care of the 

As soon as the crops in the intervals were gathered, cows 
and some other animals were pastured in the meadows until 
snow fell. Hadley and Hatfield usually opened one meadow 
Sept. 29th or about the first of October, and the others within 
a fortnight. Indian com was gathered early. 

Young cattle and horses ranged the woods in every direc- 
tion. In Hadley, they ascended Mount Holyoke to the steep 
rocks, and crossed the mountain in those gaps called cracks. 
In 1709, the town gave John Taylor 20 acres of land, to 
maintain a fence across the crack oi the mountain, meaning a 
gap, now about half a mile north-east of the mountain house. 
Cattle from the south side sometimes came through this open- 
ing into Hockanum and Fort Meadow. The common fields 
and private lots required strong barriers to protect them 
against restless, rambling animals. 

Young cattle and horses often remained in the woods until 
wmter, and some became wild and unruly, especially horses, 
and wandered to other towns. Many days were spent in the 
winter and in other seasons in looking up horses and cattle in 
the woods. This mode of pasturing, though not without 
inconveniences, was the best that the new settlers in this and 
other colonies could adopt. 

Swine were not often killed by wolves or bears ; according 
to tradition, they defended themselves and their young vigor- 
ously when attacked. 


*The hanging of mischievous dogs sometimes ^ave a name to the place 
iht execution was performed. I have noticed the name, *' Hang-dog swamp, 
both in Massachusetts and Connecticut The dog was taken to the woods, a 
leaning staddle was bent down, and a cord was fastened to the top and to the 
dog's neck ; the elastic staddic then sprung back, with the dog dangling in the 
lir. In former days, cats and dogs were sometimes hanged at the heavy end of 
• well-ewipe. 



Good land of little value to Indians — Porchaaes by Ponn and Pynchon — Purchar 
scs of the Indians in Noru'ottuck Valley — Remarks on the Indian Deeds — 
How Hatfield was purchased — ^How much Hadley paid for land — ^The name 

The Indians upon Connecticut River were very desirous 
that the English should settle among them. They willingly 
and gladly sold their lands; no urging was necessary. 
They understood what was meant by a sale of land. When 
the Norwottuck Indians sold the lands at Northampton 
in 1653, and at Hadley in 1658, they knew perfectly well 
what use the English made of the lands they had purchased 
in other places long before, and what they claimed under an 
Indian deed. The Indians never pretended that they were 
ignorant of what was intended by a sale of land, and no 
quarrels arose on that ground. 

The price obtained by the Indians for land, however small, 
was all they demanded, and in the opinion of intelligent men, 
all the land was worth. " Whoever is conversant with the 
hardships, toils and privations attending a new settlement in 
the wilderness, and will take the trouble to compute what is 
expended and laid out on and about a settlement to make 
land produce any thing ; how much its value depends on 
neighboring settlements, on roads, fences and the various 
improvements of civilized life ; will inevitably come to 
the conclusion that wild land in a wilderness, remote from 
neighbors, cannot be of much value."* Gov. Hutchinson 
observed that land in New England, at the time of its settle- 
ment, was of no value.t 

Very erroneous opinions are entertained in regard to the 
value, to the Indians, of the land which they sold to the 
English. They manifestly were not conscious of giving up 
much that was useful or important to themselves. The Indian 
men were fond of fighting, hunting and fishins, and disdained 
other pursuits. All agricultural labor and all kinds of 
drudgery were thrown upon the women, who, with hoes of 
shells, wood or iron, cultivated small pieces of land. It may 
be doubted whether all the Indian corn-fields in this valley, 
from Holyoke and Tom on the south, to Toby and Sugar Loaf 
on the north, contained more than seventy acres. Agriculture 
was a minor object with the Indians. These fine intervals, 

* Bliss's Sketches of the History of Springfield, 1828. 
t As quoted by TrumbuU. 


which 80 much delight the civilized man, had few attractions 
for the Indians. 

In Connecticut, the Indians in most of their deeds, retained 
the right to hunt, fowl and fish within the lands disposed of. 
So the Norwottuck Indians, in their deeds of land in Hadley 
and Hatfield, reserved to themselves the liberty of hunting 
and fowling on the lands they sold, and of fishing in the 
streams ; and in two of the deeds, they had liberty to set their 
wigwams and take fire-wood on the commons.* They had the 
same use of most of the land and water after the English 
came, that they had before. The women lost their corn- 
patches in the meadows. The men continued to hunt, fowl 
and fish, and the women to raise corn.t 

It was not rich land that principally induced the Indians 
to establish themselves in this valley or elsewhere. The most 
numerous tribes of New England Indians were not upon the 
best lands. The Pequots, the most powerful tribe in Connec- 
ticut, resided in one of the most sterile sections of the colony. 
The sandy, barren island of Nantucket, had as many Indians 
200 years ago (if correctly estimated in 1659) as the fertile 
lands upon the Connecticut in the whole course of the river. 
The Indians had no permanent settlements above Northfield, 
and they voluntarily deserted that place. 

Some European writers have been strangely ignorant of 
the fact, that most of the early settlers of New England occu- 
pied their lands by actual bargain with the Indians. These 
writers have represented that William Penn was the first to 
purchase a conveyance from the Indians, and have bestowed 
much praise upon him for doing what had been done a hun- 
dred times in New England, before Penn came to America.} 

Penn is said to have completed his bargain or treaty with 
the Indian chiefs under an elm tree near Philadelphia, and the 
transaction has been rendered famous by the historian and the 
painter. Yet it would be difficult, perhaps, to tell why the 
purchase of Indian lands in Pennsylvania by Wm. Penn, is 
more worthy of renown, than the purchase of Indian lands in 
Northampton or Hadley by John Pynchon, 20 years before. 
Both bought as cheaply as they could. 

'Pres. Dwight sajs, in his Travels in New England, " the Indians were alwajs 
eonsidered as having a right to dwell and to hunt within the lands which thej 
bad sold." Sach a rieht seems to have been practically enjoyed, though not 
tzpressly reserved in ail the deeds. 

t When the women took land of the English for half the crop, they may have 
obtained from well plowed land more com than the same amount of labor pro- 
duced when the land and all the crop were theirs. 

t Qrahame, in his History of the United States, Vol. II, p. 346, has corrected 
the error of these writers. 




Deed of Northampton. 

This purchase was made by John Pynchon, Sept. 24, 1653, at Springfield, 
(perhaps under an elm tree) of six Indians, two of whom appear as owners of 
land on the east side of the river, viz., Chickwallop alias Wawhillowa, and 
Awonusk, wife of Wulluther. The tract of land purcnased was at Nanotock or 
Nonotuck, and extended from the brook below Munhan, called Sankwonk (now 
below Asahel Ivymau's) up by the Quiuetticott to the brook or gutter below 
Capawonk called Masquomp, (now called Half-way brook,) and out into the 
woods westerly nine miles. The consideration was 100 fathoms of wampum, 
10 coats and some small gifts ; and the English were to plow up for the In d i ana , 
on the cast side of the river, sixteen acres of laud, in the summer of 1654. 

Capawon'k Meadow in Hatfield. 

Northampton bought this of a chief, named Lampaunchus, or Umpanchala, 
July ^, 1657, for 50 shillings. This meadow was then called Pewonganack or 
Capawonk. In October, 1658, Northampton proposed to sell it to the ** Hartford 
men," on four conditions, (on page 19,) whicii were not complied with. On the 
11th of Marcli, 1659, Joseph Fitch, John Webb and Joseph Parsons, in behalf of 
Northamptim, a^eed with William Westwood, Samuel Smith and Andrew War- 
ner, acting for the purchasers of the new plantation on the east side of the river, 
to sell Capawonk Meadow, for 30 pounds sterling, in wheat and peas, deliyered 
at Hartford at the current price, bc^fore June 1, lti59. The 30 pounds were paid 
at or near the time. The deed from Northampton agents to the agents of Uaaley, 
was g^ven Jan. 22, 1663. The bounds of Capawonk in the deed, were, the 
riverett running into the Great River easterly, the Great River south and east ; 
and the bank of upland, north and west. 

The agreement of March 11, 1659, is the first instrument recorded in the firat 
Book of Deeds at Springfield. Elizur Holyoke recorded it Dec. 2, 1660. 

Deed of Hadley. 

This deed embraces the land from the mouth of Fort River, and Mount HoU 
yoke, on the south, to the mouth of Mohawk brook and the southern part of Meant 
Toby, on the north, extending easterly nine miles into the woods. 

"Here followeth a copy of a deed or writing whereby the Indians of Nolwotogg, 
upon the river Quienecticott, made sale of certain lands unto Maj. John Pyn- 
chon, of Springfield, together with the copy of the said Mai. John Pynchon nil 
assignment of the said deed to the use and behoof of the inhabitants of Hadley, 
and his acknowledgment thereof. 

Bo it known to all men by these presents that Chick wollop alias Wahillowa, 
Umpanchella alias Womscom, and Quonquont alias Wompshaw, the sachems of 
Nolwotogg, and the sole and proper owners of all the land on the east side of 
Quonicticot river, from the liills called Petowamachu, and from the mouth of tlra 
brook or river called Towunucksett, and so all along by the great river upw^ard or 
northward to the brook called Ne])assooenegg, and from the hither part or south 
end of the great hills called Kunckquachu, (being guessed at near about nine 
miles in length) by the river Quenecticott — We the aforenamed Chickwallop 
alias Waahillow, Umpanchala alias Womscom, and Quon(juont alias Wompshaw, 
of Nolwotogg, on the one party, do give, grant, bargain and sell unto John 
Pynchon, of Springfield, on the other party, to him, his assigns and successors 
forever, all the grounds, woods, ponds, waters, meadows, trees, stones, &c. lying 
on the east side of Quenicticot River, within the compass aforesaid, from the 
mouth of the little Riverett called Towenucksett, and the hills Petowomudm 
northward up the great river of Quenecticot, to the Brook Nepowssooeneffg, and 
from the south end of the hills Quaquachii, being near about nine miles in length, 
from the soutli part to the north part, and all witliin the compass from Quenecti- 
cot River eastward nine miles out into the woods, all the aforesaid tract of ground 
called Towunucksett, Sunmukquommuck, Suchaw, Noycoy, Gassek, Pomptuck- 
set, Mattabaget, Wunnaquickset, Kunckkiunk-qualluck,*Neposeoneag, and to the 
south end of the great hill called Kunckquachu, and for nine or ten miles east- 
ward from the great river out into the woods eastward — We the said Chickwallop, 
Umpanchella, and Quonquont, do for and in consideration of two hundred &thom 


of wampoxn, and twenty fathom and one lar^ coat at eight fathom, which Chick- 
wallop sets off, ^ of trosts, besides several small gifts, and for other good causes 
mnd considerations do sell, give, grant, and have given, granted, bargained and 
sold to John Pynchon, of Springfield, and to his assigns and successors all and 
nngnlar the aforenamed land, or by whatever other name it is or may be called, 
qnietly to possess, have and enjoy the aforesaid tract of ground free from idl 
molestations or incumbrances of Indians, and that forever, only the Indiana 
aforenamed, and in particular Quonquont, doth reserve and keep one com field 
about twelve, sixteen, or twenty acres of ground, a little above Mattabaget, by 
the brook called Wunnaquickset, lying on the south side of the said brook, and 
eompaased in by a swamp from that brook to the great river, and also they reserve 
Kberty to hunt deer, fowl, &c. and to take fish, beaver or otter, &c. but other- 
wise all the aforesaid premises the said John Pynchon, his assigns and successors 
and their heirs shall forever enjoy absolutely and clearly, free from all incum- 
brances of any Indians or their com fields forever, except as before excepted. 
And in witness hereof, we the said Indians do subbcribo our marks this present 
twenty-fifth day of December, 1658. It is only the com field on this or south 
ride of the brook called Wunnuckeckset, and the little bit of ground by it within 
tile swamp and betwixt the swamp and the great river which the Indians do 
reaerve, and are to cnioy. But the little com field on the other side or ^rther 
ride or north side of Wunnaquickset, and all the other com fields within the 
eoinpass of g^und aforenamed, the Indians are to leave and yield up, as witness 
their hands. 

The mark— K)f Umpanchla alias Womscom. 

The mark— K)f Quonquont alias Wompshaw. 

The mark — of Chickwalopp alias Wowahillowa. 

Witnesses to this purchase and that the Indians do fully sell all the lands afore- 
mentioned to Mr. Pynchon, and that the marks were subscribed by the Indians 

Joseph Parsons, 

Edwd. Elmore, 

Joseph Fiteh, 

Samuel Wright, 

Arthur Williams, 

The mark H. T. of Rowland Thomas, who was privy to the whole discourse 
and conclusion of the purchase, and Joseph Parsons was present and acquainted 
ivith the whole agreement ; the other witnesses came in to testify to the sub- 
Kribing, and that the Indians owned all as it was read to them. 

The Indians desired they might set their wigwams at some times within the 
tact of ground thev sold without offence, and that the English would be kind 
•nd neighborly to them in not prohibiting them fire-wood out of the woods, &c. 
which was promised them." 

Assi^ed by John Pynchon to " the present Inhabitants of Hadley," Oct. 28, 
1063— -in which he says he acted in the purchase as an agent entrusted by them. 

The corn-field of 12, 16 or 20 acres, reserved in the foregoing deed, was sold to 
Htdley in a few years. It seems to have been a part of the upper School Meadow. 

Deed op Hadley west op the Rivfji, or Hatfield. 

The land included in this deed, is bounded by Hatfield Mill River on the south, 
and the up^r side of the Great or North Meadow on the north, extending west- 
eriy nine miles. 

•* Here foUoweth a copy of a deed of sale whereby Umpanchala, an Indian 
Sachem formerly of Nolwotogg, did sell and alienate his right and interest in 
certain parcels of land on the west side of Quenecticot River, unto Maj. John 
Pjmchon, of Springfield, for and in behalf of the inhabitants of Hadlcy, as also 
hu, the said Maj. John Pynchon 's assignment of the same to the said inhabitants, 
and acknowledgment of it likewise : 

Be it known unto all men by these presents that Umpanchala, alias Womscom, 
a sachem of Nolwotogg, on the one party, being a Chief and proper owner of the 
land on the west side of Quinecticot River, from Cappowoungomuck to the upper 
ride of Mincomonk, (viz. to Quonqnont's ground) do give, ^ant, bargrain and 
aell to John Pynchon of Springfield, on the other party, to him, his assigns and 


successors fbreTer, all the grounds, woods, ponds, waters, trees, stones, meadows, 
uplands, &c. lying and being at Nolwotogg, on the west side of Qnenecticiit 
Kiver, from the meadow on the south called Capawonk, foimerlj sold by Umpan- 
chala to the inhabitants of Northampton, upon the great Kiver of Quenecticut, 
northward to the upper side of Mincomunck, that is to say, the Brook or Kiverett 
called Cappowong alias Mattaoolanick, which parts Cappowouganick and We- 
quetayyag, and the meadow and upland called Wequotayyag, and so northward 
to Yowanckhomuck and Natocousc, and the brook called Wunckcompss which 
comes out of the pond, and over the said Brook Nattacows or Wonckcompss still 
northward, viz. all the ground and meadow called Mincommuck to a marked 
Walnut tree, at the great Kiver side, and so off from the Kiver to a great White 
Oak marked, and thence to run out into the wouds westward from the g^reat 
Biver nine miles, and so down southward till it come to Coppowoung Riverett, 
which is to Northampton bounds, tlio aforesiiid tract of ground called Wequetay- 
yag, Yowunckhommuck, Wonckcomss, Nattacows, Mincomuck, and from Que- 
necticott Kiver to run westward nine miles into tho woods both at the southward 
bounds up along the riverett Canpawouug, as well as the northward bounds o£ 
it ; the said Umpanchala alias W omscom on the one party, for and in considera- 
tiou of the sum of three hundred fathum of wompum in hand paid, besides several 
other small gifrs, and for other good causes and considerations, do sell, give* 
grant, and have sold, given and granted to John Pynchon, of Springfield, afore- 
said, on the other party, and to uis assigns and successors forever, and to their 
heirs, all and singular the aforesaid laud, or by whatever other names it is or 
may be called, quietly to possess, have and enjoy the aforesaid tract of gjound, 
free from all molestation or incumbrance of any Indians, and that forever ; onlj 
the said Umpanchala doth reserve the Chickens alias Cottingyakies, which is to 
say, their planting ground, together with liberty to hunt deer or other wild crea- 
tures, to take fish, and to set wigwams on the commons, and take wood and trees 
for use ; but otherwise all the premises and the whole tract of land before men- 
tioned, with all the appurtenances and privileges thereof, the said John Pynchon, 
his assigns and successors and their heirs shall forever enjoy, absolutely and 
clearly, free from all molestation by any Indians ; and further Umpanchala doth 
engage and covenant, and it is the intent of these presents that all the Indiaii 
cornnelds or old planted ground above Wequetayyag shall come to the English 
after his death, and then the Indians to have and enjoy only the old planted 
ground in Wequetayyag and down to the Brook Cappowongseate alias Mattoola- 
nick. In witness hereof the said Umpanchala hath set to his hand and mark this 
tenth day of July, 1660. 

The mark^-of Umpanchala. 
The mark— of £towomq, brother to Umpanchala, 
owning and approving of the sale of the land, 
and is a witness to it. 
Subscribed in presence of 
John KusseU, Jr. 
Andrew Bacon, 
Richard Church, 
Richard Montague, 

The mark— of Woassomehuc, alias Skejack, an Indian witness." 
The above said was hero entered Dec. 25, 1678, 

Per me, Saml. Partrigg, Recorder. 

Oct. 28, 1663. John Pynchon assigned the above to the inhabitants of Hadlej, 
because " it was purchased in the behalf of several persons who had obtained a 
grant from the General Court of Massachusetts for a plantation, then intending 
to plant and settle themselves on the land," said Pynchon acting •' only as being 
intrusted by the said persons now inhabitants of Hadley." 

On the 17th of Jan, 1662, Umpanchala, with the consent of Etoomp, deeded to 
four men, for the town of Hadley, the planting ground in and above Wcciuetayag, 
reserved in the first deed, exccj)ting five acres, which Hadley was to break up and 
fence for the Indians. The five acres, which were in Indian Hollow in Hatfield, 
were sold a few years after. The Indian planting ground, in the deed of 1660, 
is called " Chickens alias Cottingyakies.*^ In the deed of 1662, it is named 
" Chickons Cottones Akers." Umpanchala was in debt to John Pynchon, who 
allowed him £ 12, lOs. for this land, and received liis pay of Hadley. 


Deed of Hockanuh and part of South Hadley and Granby. 

This deed takes in the territoiy from the month of Fort Kiver, and Monnt 
Holyoke on the north, to Stony hrook, in South Hadlcj, on the south, extending 
(sasterlj 10 miles, or to three ponds. 

" Her© followeth a copy of a deed of the purchase of certain tract or tracts of 
land by the Worshipful Mai. Pynchon of the Indians, and his assignment of the 
sane to the inhabitants of Hadley, and their successors, with his acknowledg- 
ment of the same. 

Be it known to all men by these presents, that Wequagon (formerly called 
Wullutheame) and his wife Awonusk, and Squomp their 8(»i), beinp the sole and 
proper owners of the land at Nolwotogg, on the east side of Qnenicticott River, 
from the brook Towonunkset and hill Petawamacbn down southward towards 
Springfield bounds. We the said Wequagon, Awunuuks and Squomp (for our- 
setres and heirs) on the one party, do give, grant, bargain and sell unto John 
I^^chon of Springfield, on the other party, to him, his heirs, assigns and suc- 
cesffors forerer, all the grounds, woods, trees, ponds, waters, stones, meadows, 
and uplands, &c. Iving and being at Nolwotogg, on the east side of Quinecticott 
Kiver from the hill called Petawamuchu, and the brook or little riverett called 
Townnncksot, which formerly Umpancliala and Wowwhillowa sold to the Eng- 
lish, when they sold them Sunnuclcquommuck and bounded it by the mouth of 
the brook Townnuckset and the hill Petowomachu. Now from the said lull and 
brook down Quinecticott Kiver southward to a brook or riverett called Chusick, 
where the cart way goes over it, but at the mouth it is called Cowase, and all 
within the compass from the great river Qnenicticott eastward into the woods 
about ten miles, viz. to the three ponds called Paquonckquamog, Scontocks, 
Paskisukquopoh. The aforesaid tract of land called Petowamuchu, Suchow, the 
gnat neck or meadow which the English call Hoccanum, together with the up- 
ULDda adjoining, and the brook or riverett called Cowachuck alias Quaquoonun- 
tock, at the mouth of it, and so south to the riverett Chusuck alias Cowase, at 
the mouth of it — and eastward to the three ponds before named. — We the said 
Weeqnagon, Awonusk and Squomp, do clearly and absolutely grant and sell to 
John Pynchon, of Springfield, aforesaid, and to his successors forever — And by 
these presents, for and in consideration of 150 fathom of wampom with ten coats, 
aad more two yards of cloth over in the largeness of their breeches, and several 
other small gifts, considerable all of them, and all in hand paid (the receipt 
whereof we do by these presents acknowledge) and for other good causes and 
eonsiderations ns thereunto moving, do grant and sell, and have sold, g^ven and 
granted to John Pynchon of Springfield, aforesaid, and to his assigns and succes- 
•ocB, and their heirs forever, all and singular the aforenamed land from the north 
bounds Townnuckset to the south bounds Chusick alias Cowase, and from the 
west bounds the great river to the three ponds eastward called Paquonckequa- 
iQog, Scontocks and Paskesicquopoh, or by whatever other names it is or may be 
called, quietly to possess, have and enjoy the aforesaid tract of ground, free nrom 
all molestation and incumbrance of any Indians, and that forever — only the said 
Weequogon and Awonuske Ids wife do reserve and exempt from this sale a parcel 
of land m the neck or Suchaw, called by the English Hoccanum, which parcel of 
land they say is upwards of fifty or sixty acres, being already mortgaged to 
Joseph Parsons of Northampton, and bounded out to him bv stakes and marks in 
the presence of two Englishmen of Northampton, the which parcel of land being 
made over to Joseph Parsons they exempt from this sale but not otherwise, aU 
the nrcmises and the whole tract of lanu before mentioned, with all the profits, 
pririieges and advantages and commodities thereof, the said John Pynchon, his 
asngns and successors and their heirs shall forever enjoy, absolutely, clearly and 
free from all molestation by Indians against. We the said Wequogan, Awo- 
noiiske and Squomp will defend and will unto the said Pynchon warrant the 
premises against all lawful claims whatsoever by any other except as before 
exempted— only the intent of these presents is not to exclude the Indians from 
hunting deer, beaver, or other wild creatures on the tract of land afuresold, which 
Ubcrtj they yet reserve to themselves — and also to take fish and sometimes to set 
tfacdr wigwams on the commons, and to take wood and trees off on the commons 
fcr their use. In witness whereof the aforesaid Indians have hereunto set their 
ktfids and marks this 8th day of August, 1662. 

The mark — of Wequogon. 
The mark— of Awonunsk. 
The mark— of Squomp. 


Sisiied, subscribed and delivered in the presence of us, 

I'elatiah Glover, 

The mark— of Richard Sikes, 

John Lamb, 

James Taylor." 
John Pynchon's assignment to inhabitants of Hadlej, Feb. 6, 1671. 

Indian chiefe were inclined to get into debt, and Wequagon ^or Weackwagen) 
and his wife and son Squomp owed Joseph Parsons oi Northampton, 80 beavtf 
skins, for coats, wampum and |^oods ; and on the 28th of May, 1662, they morto 
gaged to him a parcel of land m the meadow and upland by it, commonlv caDed 
Hockanum, but by the Indians Peta , as security for the debt, and if the 

debt was not paid before the first of September, Parsons was to have the land. 
James Wright and Judah Wright of Northampton, were witnesses to the mort- 
gage. This land, which was excepted from the sale in the preceding deed, warn 
sold by Joseph Parsons to the innabitants of Hadley, for a considerable Bom 
which was paid, but through negligence, his quit-claim deed was not given tiU 
March 29, 1683. The land was then estimated at 60 or 70 acres. 

Deed of the north part of Hatfield and Whatelt. 

This tract of land was purchased by Hatfield, Oct. 19, 1672. It was bounded 
on the south by the land bought of Umpanchala, July 10, 1660, and on the north 
by Weekioannuck or Sugar Loaf brook, where the Pacomtuck path croased it, 
the north line running thence east to the great river and west 6 miles into the 
woods. Part of the Und abutted on the farms of Major Denison and Mr. Brad- 
street eastward, and extended 6 miles west of them, and part abutted on the gml 
river. This had been the land of Quanquan, (same as Quonquont) a aai^eniv 
and was sold by his widow Sarah Quanquan, his son Pocunohouse, Mattabange, 
a squaw, Majesset, daughter of Quanquan, and Momecouse, for 50 fiUhoms of 

Deeds of Swampfield or Sunderland. 

On the 10th of April, 1674, John Pynchon, acting in behalf of Robert Bolt- 
wood, Joseph Kellogg, John Hubbard, and Thomas Dickinson, of Hadlev, wad 
their associates, bought of several Indians, all the land from Nepesoaneag brook, 
(now Mohawk brook) next to Hadley bounds, up to the brook called Apaoon- 
tuckquash, over against the mouth of Pacomptuck (Deerfield) river, and six milea 
easterly from the Connecticut into the woods. Two deeds were given, one by 
Mishi^k, an old woman, the mother of Wuttawchincksin, deceased, who owed 
Pynchon ; and one by Metawompe alias Nattawwassawett, for himself and in 
beh^f of Wadanummin, Souiskeag and Sunkamachue, for 80 fathoms of wampum 
and some small things. Tne lands were in Sunderland, Montague and Leverett. 
The Indians belonged to the Norwottucks. Pynchon paid for the lands and the 
Hadley purchasers paid him and his son £ 26. 

Remarks on the Indian Deeds. 

The principal chiefs of the Norwottucks, north of Monnt 
Tom and Mount Holyoke, were Chickwallop, Umpanchala 
and Quonquont. They claimed to be the owners of most (rf 
the land on both sides of the river, Chickwallop of the soutiir 
em, Umpanchala of the middle, and Quonquont of the 
northern part of the territory. Besides these, there were petty 
chiefs and owners of land at Northampton, and at Sundenand. 
Awonusk seems to have been the daughter and heir of some 
deceased Norwottuck chief. Her husband, Wequogon, called 
also WuUuther, united with her in the deed of the land below 
Fort River, but he was a Springfield Indian and not a Nor- 


It appears from the names of witnesses, that the deed of 
Hadley was executed at Northampton; that of Hatfield at 
Hadley, and that of Hockanum and South Hadley at Spring- 
field. It will be perceived that the orthography of Indian 
names is often changed in the same deed. This may have 
been partly the result of carelessness, and some words may 
have been designedly varied. It was very difficult to express 
some of the Indian sounds by letters. 

The Indian names of some places may be ascertained from 
these deeds. They will be noticed elsewhere. Hockanum 
was an Indian name at East Hartford, but the meadow near 
. Mount Holyoke was so named by the English and not by the 
Indians. The English often gave the same Indian name to a 
stream and to the land adjoining it. The Indians may have 
done the same, or they may have varied the termination of 
the name, to distinguish land from water. 

Indian signatures. — ^Indians, in signing deeds, commonly 

did something more than make a mark ; most of them made a 

picture or representation of some object. In the old records 

at Springfield, many of these Indian hieroglyphics may be 

seen, as a beaver, a snake, a snow-shoe, a bow, a hand, &c. 

Wequogon and Squomp both drew a rude picture of a hand, 

including the wrist, thumb and four fingers. Umpanchala 

made a bow and string. Chickwallop made a circular figure 

with a neck to it, intended for — ^I know not what. Awonusk 

manifested a different taste from the male chiefs ; her sign 

looks like a strip of net-work, and was intended perhaps to 

represent a piece of wampum. Quonquont only made zigzag 

marks, like two or three of the letter W put together, and 

Umpanchala sometimes did the same. 

How Umpanchala. received his pay for the lands in 


John Pynchon's account book has all the wampum and 

other articles, that he sold to Umpanchala, to pay him 

75^, or 300 fathoms of wampum, for his land in Hatfield, 

including his fine of two fathoms for being drunk. Accounts 

with Indians were kept in fathoms and hands of wampum. 

Pjmchon, in this account, estimated 10 hands equal to a 

£ithom, making his hands more than 7 inches, instead of the 

usual hand of 4 inches. Wampum was an article of traffic, 

and also the money of the Indians, — ^the standard by which 

they measured the value of all other things. Pvnchon valued 

the cheaper or white wampum, in 1660, at five shillings a 

&thom. A fathom of wampum was a string of beads made 

of shells, six feet in length. Pynchon wrote ^'fadam" for 




The following is copied from Pynchon's book, the items 
being a little compressed. The shag cotton of that day was 
made of wool. 

" Umpanchala, the Indian Sachem and owner of the land at Norwotog» hath 
taken up of mc towards pay for his laud, which he promises to sell : — 

Fadams. hands. £. 

1659. Sept. 23. 2 yards Bilboe rug, 7 

Red Shn^r Cotton and Trading Cloth, 2 4 

A shirt, 21 A coat, of. 7 

1 pair breeches, 1 5 

1660. Feb. 13. Wampum now and in Sept. 27 1 

A coat, 5f. A ffun, 6f. 5h. 11 5 

April 12 > Shag cotton and shag, 2 4 

to 16. 5 ^ blue coats and 1 coat, 15 

A coat and a pair breeches, 6 

Wampum, 20 1 













April 16. A shirt and shag cotton, 

"25 to 27. Wampum, 

Red shag, 2f. 7h. Coat, 5f. 
May 9 to \ Wampum, 
June 7. 5 3 Coats, 15f. Waistcoat, 2f. 4h. 
June 19. Wampum, 

1 coat, 5f. Shag cotton, 3f. 6h. 














June20to ) Blue sha^ cotton, 1 8 

July 10. 5 2 coats, snag and wampum, 20 

Wampum, 10 

Had of Joseph Parsons, 14 

Coat and wampum at Parsons's, 10 

Payment to Mr. Goodwin, 2 8 

Red shag cotton and knife, 1 4 

July 30 to ) Wampum and 2 coats, 22 

Aug. 23. J " For your being drunk," 2 

Sept.6tol4. Wampum, 11 

A kettle, 5 









5 10 

2 15 

1 5 


In all 300 Madams at 5b. which make £75. So much I engaged to him for hii 
land at Nalwotogg ; and I have paid him all to his own content, in thejpartica- 
lars abovesaid. This account is set off with Hadley town, it being paia for the 
purchase of their land. September, 1660." 

Umpanchala expended all he received for the first sale of 
Hatfield in one year ; and in three months more, from Sept. 
to Dec. 1660, he bought of Pynchon goods to the amount 
of £ 12, 10s. and to pay this, sold the land to Hadley which 
he had reserved in the first deed. He had pledged this to 
Pynchon. Such want of foresight and calculation was char- 
acteristic of the Indians. A few chiefs seem to have sold all 
the lands and to have used the avails. 

history of hadlet. 121 

What Hadley paid fob Lands* 

Pyhchon charged the people of Hadley for the Hatfield 
lancU only the amount that he paid to Umpanchala, 75£j and 
jC12.10. Compensation for his services, must have been derived 
from a lar^e profit on the goods and wampum sold. His 
account against Hadley follows : — 


£ s. 

1666. Dec 25. To the purchase of the land on the east side of the river, 62 10 

166U. JvHj 10. To the purchase of the land on the west side of the river, 75 

To law books, 1 10 

1660. Dec. To colors, staff, tassels and top, 5 

To second purchase on the west side, 12 10 

1662. Aug. 8. To the purchase of the neck which they call Hockanom, 50 

£206 10 

Pynchon received his pay of individuals, and not of the 

town, from 1661 to 1668. The account was balanced Nov. 12, 

1669. He has credit for most if not all the settlers. The 

remark of Hadlev men, on page 28, that they had piirchased 

lands of the Indians at higher rates than other plantations in 

Kew England, seems to have been true. In addition, they 

paid to Mr. Bradstreet 200^ in money, and to Joseph Parsons 

not less than £20. Their lands cost them 1400 dollars or more. 

This large sum was paid when wheat in Hadley was only 

3b. and ds. 3d. per bushel ; and in money not above 2s. 6a. 

Whoever takes mto consideration all the circumstances, will 

come to the conclusion that the people of Hadley paid for the 

land which they cultivated, a much higher price than those 

now pay who buy good land of the U. S. government at $1,25 

per acre. The people in the towns on the river had war with 

tbe Indians about half the time, for 50 years after 1674. 

Pynchon paid from his shop, in wampum and mer- 
clumdise, for almost all the lanas near the river, that were 

Srchased of the Indians, from Suffield and Enfield, to Deer- 
Id and Northfield, and received his pay from the settlers 
lad proprietors of the new towns, to wnom he assigned the 
Indian deeds. Only a small part of the assignments of the 
three Hadley deeds are given on pages 115, 116 and 118. 

Indian name of Norwottuck Valley. 

In Eliot's Indian Bible, the word for " the midst" of any 
filing, is usually noeu or noau, (sometimes nashaue^) and tvk at 
file end of a word generally signifies a river or brook. In our 
English version, the words, '' the city that is in the midst of 
^ river," are found in Joshua 13, 'verses 9 and 16; and in 
Eliot, in both verses, " the midst of the river" is rendered by 



TioatUnk. This is the Indian name of our valley. The penin- 
sulas and projecting points of land at Hadley, Hockanum, 
Northampton and Hatfield, were " in the midst of the river." 
This Indian word was varied in different dialects, and in the 
records of the English. Some tribes did not pronounce 
I and r, and these letters are not in Eliot's Bible. The Nip- 
mucks pronounced Z, and some Indians on Connecticut Rivert 
below Massachusetts, had the sound of r. The following 
variations of the name of this valley, are taken from the 
records of Connecticut, Massachusetts, the United Colonies 
and Hampshire towns, and from the writings of the Pynchons. 
Nawattocke, 1637, Nowottok and Nawottock, 1646, Nau- 
wotak, 1648, Noatucke, 1654, Nanotuck, 1653, Nonotucke, 
1653, 1655, 1658, Norwotake, 1657, Norwootuck and Nor^ 
wuttuck, 1657, Northwottock, 1656, 1661, Norwottock, 1669, 
1660, Norwoottucke, 1659, Norwotuck, 1661. John Pynchon 
has in his accounts Nalwotogg, Nolwotogg and Norwotog, 
and in his deeds Nolwotogg. The latter spelling was prob- 
ably according to the pronunciation of the Nipmucks, who 
lived here. Nonotuck was used when there was no town but 
Nortliarapton. The Hadley settlers introduced from Hartford, 
Norwottuck, and that name was more used by the English 
than the others. 


Indians near Connecticut River — ^The Norwottucks and their Forts — ^The Ifo- 
liawkfl and their cruelty and cannibalism — ^The Mohawks in Hampshire counlj 
— ^Talks at Albany — ^Presents to the Mohawks — Entertainment of Indiana- 
Wampum, or the money of the Indians. 

From 1636, when Springfield was settled, until the Indian 
war of 1675, the Nipmucks or Nipnets inhabited the interior 
of Massachusetts, occupying many places in the present 
county of Worcester, and in the old county of Hampshire, 
and some dwelt in Connecticut, south of Worcester county. 
They were not subject to a common sachem, but had many 
petty chiefs, and some were partially under the dominion of 
tribes not Nipmucks. There were four small tribes or clang 
upon Connecticut River, or a few miles from it, viz., the 
Agawams at Springfield and West Springfield, the Waranokea 
at Westfield, the Nonotucks or Norwottucks at Northampton, 
Hadlev and Hatfield, and the Pocomtucks at Deerfield. 


Those who established themselves at Northfield for a time, 
may have been Pocomtucks. It is not known that there 
were any permanent Indian settlements above Northfield, nor 
upon the Housatonnuc River within the limits of Massachu- 
setts, in the 17th century. There is some reason to suppose 
that a part of the Indians at Waranoke came originally h-om 
Hudson's River, and returned to that river in Philip's war. 
The Quabaugs at Brookfield were in Hampshire countjr. 
Pew if any Indians resided constantly in the territory now m 
Suffield and Enfield. 

The four tribes of western Nipmucks near Connecticut 
River and its branches, may be reckoned at ten or eleven 
hundred when most numerous. Their numbers were consid- 
erably reduced before they left this part of the country, and 
did not perhaps exceed eight hundred in 1675, and they were 
some hundreds less when the war ended. The Norwottucks 
may have been the most numerous clan; the Pocomtucks 
Mrere the most energetic and manly. 

The numbers of barbarous tribes and nations are almost 
always over-rated. There has been not a little exaggeration 
in regard to the Indian population of New England. Trum- 
bull over-estimates the Connecticut Indians, and errs exceed- 
ingly in regard to those of Windsor. Misled by " manuscripts 
from Windsor," he supposes that about the year 1 670, there 
Tvere 2000 Indian bowmen in that town, and 19 Indians to 
one Englishman ! Such accounts require no refutation. In 
1680, the government of Connecticut received some official 
inquiries from England, one of which related to the number 
of Indian warriors in the colony ; to this they replied, " as for 
Indian neighbors, we compute them 600 fighting men." This 
computation seems to include only the Indians in or near 
townships settled by the English, but it exhibits the great 
decrease of the Indians. From other documents, it might be 
inferred that the Indians in all the Connecticut River towns 
in the colony, with Farmington and Simsbury, did not exceed 
1200 in 1680.» 

The first naming of the Norwottucks in public records was 
by the General Court of Connecticut in 1637. They were 
noticed in the records of the United Colonies in 1646, and 
Chickwallop was named for the first time. William Pynchon 

•The Indians in the river towns wore not destroyed by war, but they dimin- 
nhed ao fSut, that at the end of every 40 years, they were only about one-half as 
Bunr as at the beginning. At this rate, only one-eighth of the number in 1640 
vookl remain in 1760. 

"The T*^^i^« disappears before the white roan simply because he will not 
work."— Gallatin. 


mentioned the Norwottucks and Chickwallop in 1648. For some 
years, the Norwottucks, Pocomtucks and others were at war 
with Uncas and the Mohegans. Uncas or his brother assailed 
these river Indians in 1656. In 1657, they and others made 
an incursion into Connecticut against Uncas and his Indians. 
The Pocomtucks were conspicuous in this war with Uncas, 
and when the United Colonies sent messengers to them in 
1659, requesting them to suspend hostilities, the sachems 
declined to make peace, and replied to the messengers with 
moderation, shrewdness and firmness. About 1663, these 
river Indians with many others commenced a war with the 
Mohawks, and were defeated. Peace was made in 1671. 

The Norwottuck chiefs could sell lands, but had little 
authority over the Indians, and were of little importauce. 
The historians and novelists will not be able to ma&e heroes 
of any of the river sachems, from Saybrook to Northfield* 
The Indians in this valley at times had no acknowledged 
sachem, and in 1668, they agreed that Chickwallop should be 
their chief, three men having been appointed by the General 
Court, at the request of the Hampshire deputies, to treat with 
them. There was nothing in Chickwallop to inspire the 
English or Indians with respect. He did not live many years 
after 1668. 

The Norwottucks committed no great ofiences. They 
sometimes harbored evil-doers from other tribes. Some were 
inclined to petty thefts. When they could get strong drink, 
they became drunk, and brawls and tumults ensued, and they 
would insult and abuse the constable and others. When free 
from liquor, they were generallv peaceful and respectful 
towards the whites, who intended, to treat them justly and 

The last chief men of the Norwottucks. — ^In 1672, Peto- 
manch committed divers thefts in Northampton and Hadley 
and fled to Quabaug ; he came back to the '* Indians* fort in 
Northampton," and when an attempt was made to take him, 
Wuttawan helped him to escape. Some of the principal vaexi 
of the tribe then came forward, and agreed to deliver up 
Petomanch or Wuttawan, or otherwise make satisfaction, as 
the court should order. Their names were Wahinunco, Wad- 
nummin, Massoamat, Wawwarranckshan, Sunckamachue, Wu- 
chuwin, Mummuncott, RoUo, and blind James. The last two 

*It is a hard and difficult matter, for those who are conscious and proad of 
thdr superiority, to treat inferiors with justice and humanity. Even good men 
are very deficient in this respect. The apostolic injunction to " honor aJI men," 
is not much regarded. 


had names given by the English. Some of these nine Indians 
may be considered the last of the Norwottuck leaders, while 
they remained in their native land. Two of them sold land 
in Sanderland in 1674, viz., Wadnummin and Sunckamachue. 
In August, 1675, they and the tribe fled from their fort and 
became enemies. In the winter of 1675-6, these Indians 
were towards Albany, and were called Hadley Indians, and 
Sancumacha, (same as Sunckamachue,) was their sachem. In 
this war and after, they were denominated Hadley Indians, 
and Northampton and Hadley Indians ; and in Connecticut, 
they were often called Norwottucks. 

The Indians* means of subsistence. — There is no intimation 
that the Indians in this valley and others in the vicinity lacked 
food, or that their supplies had been perceptibly diminished 
previous to their departure. The forests in every direction 
remained nearly as extensive as ever, and wild animals, fish 
and wild fruits were still abundant. The whites sometimes 
hunted and fowled, but they were too industrious to spend 
much time in such pursuits. There was land enough for 
com, but without fences it was useless, and the women took 
meadow land upon shares, which the English plowed. The 
squaws planted, hoed, picked and husked the com, their lazy 
husbands disdaining such labor.* In Connecticut, the Indians 
divided the com on the land, aft^r it was husked, and had 
half of it. It may be inferred that the crop was divided in 
the same manner at Norwottuck. There is nothing to show 
that the subsistence of the Indians from the land was mate- 
rially lessened. 

The first settlers of Northampton, Hadley and Hatfield 
lived in peace with the Indians until Philip's war in 1675. 
There was frequent intercourse between them, the Indians 
often coming into the villages for traflic and other purposes, 
sod the salutation of netapj (my friend,) was often heard in 
the streets. Indian men, women, young men, maids and 
small children, in their scanty dresses, were every-day sights, 
and excited no curiosity. The men sold furs and venison, 
and the women made and sold baskets and mats and other 
things. Amonff these laborious Indian women, were some 
that were mild and kind-hearted. The westem Nipmucks 
continued to be pagans. 

* " Extremes meet.'' The ignorant savage and those who think themselves 
the most highly dvilized, viz., many of those in fashionable high life, harmonize 
in many thinn. Both contemn and soom usefhl labor, and consider those 
engaged in tousome occupations as mean and despicable ; both delight in gaming, 
chasing animals and carousing. 



The Indians of the Norwottuck valley had several forts, 
erected to protect themselves against the attacks of their 
enemies. Vanderdonck, the Dutch writer, says the Indians 
build their castles in places difficult of access, on or near the 
crown of a hill ; the wall is made of palisades set in the 
ground and within are their wigwams. The forts of the 
Norwottuck Indians seem to have been generally built upon 
the top of a bluff or high bank, projecting into a valley or 
interval, near a stream. In Northampton, there were at least 
three forts in such places ; they were probably successive and 
not cotemporaneous. One was near the north-east end of 
Fort Hill, overlooking the meadow ; one was on Fort Plain, 
now in Easthampton, above the high bank near the Manhan ; 
and the third was on another Fort Plain, about half way to 
Hatfield, on the top of the high bank of the Connecticut, 
opposite the north-west comer of Hadley Great Meadow. In 
Madley, Indian bones have been found on several projecting 
points or ridges. One place was near the north-west angle of 
Fort Meadow, on a comer of upland long since washed away. 
Another was on Spruce Hill, near the southern extremity, 
which projects into Fort River valley, and is now covers 
with light sand. There was an important fort on the western 
side of Lawrence's Plain, on the top of the high, steep bank 
which is the eastern boundary of Fort Meadow Skirts and 
Fort River valley. The river and meadow were named from 
this fort. In 1684, Timothy Nash had a grant of two acres 
of land, " where the old fort stood" above the bank, adjoining 
his land in the Skirts below. These two acres and the site of 
the old fort can be easily identified. The old common fence 
from Connecticut River, on the north side of Fort Meadow, 
came up the steep bank, just north of the fort, continued 
easterly some distence, and then turned southerly towards 
Mount Holyoke, embracing the ground on which the fort 
stood. This ground had the almost perpendicular bank, 
rising 40 or 60 feet above Fort River, on the south and west 
sides, and the river flowed at the bottom of this bank on the 
west side. Lawrence's Plain, a high, pleasant tract of land, 
extended easterly. 

From this fort, or from openings near it, the Indians had 
fine views of meadows and uplands ; and some of the new 
village at Northampton was visible. The fort was about 
140 rods east of the Connecticut. I visited this place in 
1846; the brow of the bank was covered with trees; grass, 
Johnswort, thistles and a few small buttonwoods grew upon 



Common fe 








the site of the fort, and cows were quietly ruminating in the 
shade of the trees. All was silent and desolate, where in 
former days the Indians danced and powowed, and indulged 
in noisy merriment and boisterous revelry. 

io. This is an imperfect representation. 

The shape of the fort is conjectural. 

The outlines of the top of the bank 

Lawrence's are irregular. Those in the fort ^t 

Plain. water from the river below the bank. 

The cows now (1846) have a path 

_ down the bank a little south of the 

High bank. fort place. 

North of the village of North Hadley, on a ridge that 
separates the eastern and western School Meadows, was 
another residence of the Indians, supposed to have been that 
of Quonquont. More bones have been found here than in any 
other place in Hadley. The ridge becomes wider near the 
north end, where it approaches the Connecticut, and this 
broad part may contain an acre. This was probably the seat' 
of the fort or village. The Connecticut flows along the base 
of the hill, on the north-east and north, and the hill is par- 
tially protected from its ravages by rocks of sandstone. This 
is a pleasant place with a goodly prospect, and must have 
been so when the Indians occupied it. 

Biver. This plan with straight lines is ver^ defect- 

. . ive. The general course of the river is south- 

Lower \ / orljt but for some distance against the upper 

8. M. \ / River, a^i^ lower School Meadow, it is westerly. The 

triangle is the supposed site of Quonquont's 

fort. The rocks are near the north-east comer of 

the triangle. The brook Wunnaquickset, of 

'**?JE® Hntioi- a xt *h® Hadley deed, is above thia ridge, and 

with I iJpper».jii. crosses the Upper School Meadow. 


Some have admired the taste of the Indians as exhibited in 
the picturesque situations which they chose for forts and 
villages. There is not much foundation for this admiration. 
The tribes were pugnacious, and it was owing to their wars 
tiiat they selected elevated places for villages, where they 
could more easily secure ana defend themselves, and more 
readily discern the approach of an enemy. 

The last fortified residence of our Indians in the land of 
their fathers, was in the place before referred to, between 
Northampton and Hatfiela, on a high bank west of the 
Connecticut, not far from the mouth of Half-way brook, and 
so near the river, that men could speak with the Indians in 
the fort, from the Hadley side of the river. This high plain, 
formerly called Fort Plain, is now crossed by the rail-road, 


many feet below the surface. There was no fort in Hadley 
for some years before 1675. The Indians did not all live in 
forts, and when they feared the Mohawks or other enemies, 
many sought refuge near the houses and in the out-buildings 
of the English, and their living among them was very 

Hubbard says the fort from which the Indians fled in 1675 
was within a mile of Hatfield, but it must have been about 
two miles from the main street in Hatfield. The records do 
not allude to any fort in Hatfield in 1675, or before, though 
Umpanchala doubtless had a fort on the high bank of Capa- 
wouk or elsewhere on his land, when he sold it in 1660. 

The Mohawks or Maquas. 

The " Five Nations,'* so called, were the Mohawks, Oneidas, 
Onondagas, Cayugas and Senecas. The name Mohawks was 
often extended to all those confederate nations. Thev were 
.brave, fierce and ferocious, and carried on an extermmating 
warfare more than a century after 1600, making a perfect 
desert of the country for 500 miles, west and south, and 
destroying more Indians than have been destroyed by Euro- 
peans in war since the country was settled. They were the 
worst of conquerors, and seemed to conquer to gratify their 
thirst for blood.* — ^The Mohawk tribe lived about 40 miles 
west of Albany. 

They were extremely filthy, never washing face nor hands, 
and they cooked fish from the water, and the entrails of deer, 
without any cleansing.f 

Cannibalism of the Mohawks. — ^The early Dutch and New 
England writers affirmed truly that the Mohawks were canni- 
bals or man-eaters. A writer| in 1644, says they tortured 
their captives, and then roasted them before a slow fire and 
ate them. They were cannibals half a century later. In 
February, 1693, Col. Schuyler at the head of whites and 
Mohawks pursued a party of French and Indians and killed 
many Frenchmen, ana the bodies of 27 were found. A letter 
from S. Van Cortland in New York, to Connecticut, dated 
March 2, 1693, says : — '* Our Indians did quickly eat up the 
bodies of the 27 Frenchmen, after their natural barbarity, and 
have brought the scalps to Albany." Governor Fletcher of 
New York wrote to Connecticut, March 11, 1693: — "Our 
Indians found 27 bodies of the enemy, whom (aft;er their 

* Gallatin's " Synopsis of the Indian Tribes of North America." 

tFrom Megapolensis, a Dutch minister at Albany, 1644. 

All savages are filthy. The New England Indians were not cleanly. By an 
agreement made with sachems at Concord in 1646, the Indians were not " to 
mdc lice as formerly and eat them.'' 



crowns taken off,) they most barbarously roasted and ate."* 
Cannibalism was not however the worst part of the Mohawk 

War between the Mohawks and New England Indians. — 
About 1663, war was commenced between the Mohawks and 
the New England Indians, and in the summer of 1669, the 
latter united their forces, entered the Mohawk country and 
besieged the nearest Mohawk fort. In a few days they 
retreated, were attacked on their retreat, and more than 50 
slain. They came home much ashamed, and retired under 
the shelter of the English. Sancumacha, a Norwottuck, is 
said to have been a captain in this expedition. During the 
war, the Mohawks, in small parties, made incursions into 
New England. Peace was made in 1671. 

The Mohawks in Hampshire county. — ^In the summer of 
1667, a number of hogs and some cattle belonging to Hadley, 
Northampton and Springfield, were killed in the woods. The 
inhabitants were satisfied that some of them were killed by 
the Mohawks, and they were suspicious of some Kennebec 
Indians who had been this way, and even of the Norwottucks. 
The Mohawks shot and scalped an Indian servant of Nathaniel 
Clark, of Northampton, Aug. 28, 1667. 

In October, 1667, the deputies of Hampshire complained 
to the General Court of the injuries done by the Mohawks 
and other Indians. A committee recommended that a letter 
be written to the Mohawks demanding satisfaction for the 
damages, &c. The General Court, Oct. 31, wrote a long 
letter to the chief sachem of the Mohawks, and a short one to 
the Kennebec sachem. The former follows from the records 
— not retaining the old orthography. 

To the chief Sachem of the Mohawks : 
Hie General Court of the Massachusetts, upon complaint made to them by some 
of thobr people of Hadley and Northampton, tnat they have suffered much damage 
this last summer by the Mohawks, have thouglit meet to signify the same unto 
j<m and to let you know that about mid-summer last, some of our Englishmen 
saw some of vour people, whom they had speech with, going with bunfens fnm 
tlieir firee and place of lodging, where several hog's feet, new and bloody, were 
left behind, tIz., 16 feet of swme ; Also others of ours have taken up shoes made 
of green boeskins, which were left at the places where the Mohawks made their 
stondii, and nom whence they were seen to go ; and about the same time, we had 
aereral cattle shot and wounded, and some killed, and the flesh cut off from their 
bonce and carried away ; many Mohawks being then about our towns and seen 
br some Englisli, we have cause to suspect that this also was done by some of 
them, (not to speak of the damage your people formerly, some years past, did in 
gathering, carrying away and spoiling our com.) Their killing of our swine as 
afbreeaid being very evident, wu have reason to move for speedy and full satis- 

• Archives of Connecticut. 

t There were rare instances of cannibalism in New England. In 1637, Uncas 
and his men made a horrid repast upon the body of a Pequot at Saybrook. 



faction, which our people expect, and we hope yon will cause to be made them 
accordingly. We nave further to lot you know tliat an Indian youth who waa 
aervant to an Englishman at Northampton, was murthered about the end of 
August last, close by the town, and part of his hair flayed off his head,* on whieh 
day some Mohawks were seen nigh the very place where he was killed, and we 
have heard that not long after this time the Mohawks showed a lock of hair at 
Albany, which was short hair as this youth's was ; so that we have probable 
grounds to think that some of your people are guilty of this murder, wnich vet 
we are apt to think may not only be unknown to you, but contrary to your order, 
and do presume you will not allow any such thin^ ; and therefore do acquaint 
^ou therewith, desiring you would take some special course for redress of these 
insolencies and prevention of like evils for future, lest your people, if they go on 
in such ways, should occasion a breach of the peace betwixt you and us. We 
must also tell you that these actings are expressly against the promise of those of 
your nation, which we once had in our iiands,t whom we secured from anjr 
violence by our Indians and sent them home with manifestation of love and 
firiendship, and willincfness for the continuance thereof, who told us that your 
people would not meddle with any Indians that wore English clothes, or that had 
their hair cut short But this fuorementioned action, as it gives us cause to 
suspect your people, so also to let vou know we do not judge it convenient for 
you to suffer your people in an Iiostile manner to approach nigh us or Cfur 
Indians that are dwelling amongst our towns, which we desire you so to take 
notice of and consider as not to disturb our peace b^ any unlawful attempts of 
your men, but to cause them to shun and avoid all just offence and prejuaice to 
us which mav provoke our people against you. We never yet did any wrong to 
you or any of yours, neither will we take any from you, but shall right our people 
according to justice ; yet are we desirous to continue all amicable correspondence 
with you, if the fault be not in yourselves by offering insolencies to our people* 
which we may not bear or suffer. Thus hoping of your readiness to make satis- 
faction for what is past, and care for your future continuance of friendship, your 
loving friends. 

The Governor and General Court of the Massachnsetts. 

This letter had some effect. It was undoubtedly inter- 
preted by men at Albany, and as the Mohawks desired to be 
on good terms with New England, they made some reparation. 
The records of the county court in March, 1669, mention 
that about 20 pounds had been received from the " Maj^naweu" 
It was sent to Milford, but was then in the hands of Simon 
Lobdell of Springfield, in leather. The court ordered that 
Springfield should have 6£ for those who had lost swine and 
cattle ; Northampton, 7^, of which, half was for Nathaniel 
Clark's Indian servant killed ; and Hadley, 8^, for those who 
had been damaged. Hadley had lost more cattle and hogs 
than any other town. Lobdell was to pay in shoes at fiur 

In Philip*s war, in 1676, Massachusetts and Connecticut 
tried to engage the Mohawks against the Indians of New 
England. Governor Andros of New York, in letters to Con- 

* Scalping was evidently something new to the English. 

tin September, 1665, five Mohawks or Maquas came into Cambrid^ weU 
armed. They were arrested and imprisoned at Boston. The English had neyer 
seen any Mohawks before, and they attracted much attention. The Indiaxis 
flocked into Boston, and wished to put them to death. The Court dismissed them 
with a letter to their sachems, ana a convoy of horse to conduct them clear of 
our Indians. A copy of the letter is extant 


necticut, pretended that the Mohawks had done "great 
execution on your Indian enemies" and trusted Connecticut 
"would be mindful of their service. Connecticut, in reply, 
Aug. 31st, 1676, professed to be in the dark about these 
services, and said they could not be mindful of them, until 
they knew what they had done. Gov. A. did not enlighten 
them. These Indians had performed no important services. 
This was the first attempt to draw presents from New England 
for the Mohawks. 

In the spring of 1677, Massachusetts desired to make a 
friendly' league with the Mohawks, and very unwisely sought 
their aid against the Indians in Maine. Obtaining the con- 
currence of Connecticut, John Pynchon of Springfield and 
James Richards of Hartford, were sent to Albany. They 
treated with the Indians, and gave them presents of wampum- 
peag, dufiels, powder and shot. The Indians gave three oelts 
of wampum, boasted of what they had done for New England, 
And gave assurance of their endeavors against the Indies at 
Kennebec. New England was deceivea by the pretensions 
and promises of the Mohawks. 

The Indians did not regard their engagement, and instead 
of proceeding to Maine, they came down upon the peaceable, 
praying Indians of Massachusetts, in September, 1677, and 
again in June, 1678, and killed some and made captives of 
others.* They brought two squaws through Hadley, and the 
people of that place tried to redeem them, but the Mohawks 
would not let them go. They returned evasive answers to 
those sent to Albany to demand the release of the captives. 

In November, 1680, John Pynchon was again sent to 
Albany. He charged the Mohawks with injuring our friendly 
Indians, and not delivering up those taken; with killing 
Bwine and cattle of the English, in the summer of 1680, 
robbing some houses, and marching through villages in a 
hostile posture. He said such things must be stopped. He 
presented his gift of duffels, shirts, blankets, wampum, rum, 
tobacco, &c., amounting to near 90 pounds or 300 dollars. — 
The Mohawks said he had spoken many hard things, but they 
were sweetened by the present. They made an artful, dis- 
honest reply, and declined to give up the Christian Indians. 

In October, 1683, the Mohawks sent a presentf of 20 
beaver skins to Massachusetts ; and the colony sent in return 

* Belknap sajs the MohawkA did not attack the hostile Indians in New Hamp- 
ihire, bat the ^endly ones ; and the scheme of engaging them in our quarrel 
waa a source of many calamities. 

♦The expresaion, ** an Indian gift" was a by-word in Kew England, denoting a 
pre«ent made by a person who expected five or ten times aa much value in return. 


a much more valuable present, in wampum, shirts, duffels, 
stockings, rum and tobacco. 

After the war between England and France and between 
their colonies in America, commenced in 1689, it was an 
object of great importance to please the Five Nations and 
keep them faithful to England and her colonies. As New York 
was a feeble colony, Massachusetts and Connecticut deemed it 
necessary to contribute largely for this purpose. 

In 1689, three Agents from Massachusetts and one from 
Connecticut were sent to Albany. They left Westfield, 
Aug. 27, escorted by 10 troopers, and were gone more than 
four weeks. They gave large presents to the Maquas, small 
presents to the river Indians, gifts to the sachems privately, 
and feasted 100 of their people. All expenses were 327^. 
Great Britain and New York also gave presents to the Five 
Nations. Robert Livingston, who resided in or near Albany, 
in a letter dated July 2, 1691, " wished that we needed not 
to court such heathen as the Maquas for assistance, for they 
are a broken reed to depend upon." 

The Mohawks or Maquas were the allies of Great Britain, 
New England, and the other English colonies. Sensible that 
they were of some importance, they were sometimes insolent 
and injurious in houses, in these river towns, and farther east. 
The people generally submitted to these things ; it would not 
do to quarrel with the Mohawks. 

Entertainment of Indians. — ^Parties of Indian chiefs often 
came to Boston whose principal object was to obtain presents, 
and to feast and carouse at the expense of Massachusetts. In 
1723, Aug. 21, 63 New York Indians, chiefly Mohawks, came 
to Boston, '' ^th sham proposals of alliance against the 
Eastern Indians, but their real object was only to receive 
presents."* They were treated with much respect, were 
received by the General Court and feasted at the castle. 
Thev were entertained in Boston four weeks, and furnished 
promsely with the best of food and liquors, and received rich 
presents to a large amount. The whole expense to the colony 
was above 1000 pounds. Luke Smith of Hadley had a bill 
for entertaining some of these Mohawks. They returned to 
Albany, and eventually denied what they had promised at . 

Other Indians who had been enemies, as the fVench 
Mohawks in Canada who had been converted by the Jesuits,! 

* Dr. Douglas says this. 

t One great object of their conversion was political inflaence. The converted 
Indians, so called, became friendly to the French and ready to fight agunst the 
English and other heretics. 


and the Penobscots and other eastern Indians, came to Boston 
in time of peace and made fair promises, and feasted at the 
colony's expense and received presents, but joined the French 
as soon as war commenced. It was difficult to restrict any 
of these Indians ; they must have what they desired. They 
had a great abundance of beef and other meats, rum, wine, 
eider, beer, pipes and tobacco, and indulged in drunken revels. 
In 1733, John Sale charged the colony 196 pounds for keep- 
ing 22 French Mohawks 19 days, including a feast at the 
castle. He charged for their breaking windows, tables, chairs, 
knives, mugs, cups and glasses, and for daubing the walls, 
tables and chairs. They had in 19 days, 48 dozen pipes and 
39 dozen of tobacco. In 1736, John Sale entertamed nine 
Penobscot chiefs 24 days, and charged the colony 145 pounds. 
In his bill, he says they ate between 50 and 60 pounds of the 
best of meat daily, (six pounds to a man,) and each had daily ' 
one pint and a half of wine and a shilling's worth of rum, and 
in all they had 120 gallons of cider and two gross of pipes 
with tobacco. They were taken down to the castle and 
treated. He had charges for their breaking furniture, and for 
washing 49 of their greasy shirts," and his charge for 
cleansing and whitewashing two rooms after them" was 60 
shillings. It was no easy matter to cleanse a room that had 
been occupied by these mrty bacchanals. 

There were similar scenes and transactions, in other colo- 
nies, when Indians assembled to make or renew treaties. 

" The European gcyvernments encouraged the natural propensities of the Indi- 
US. Both France and England courted a disgraceful alliance with savages, and 
both anned them against the defenceless inhabitants of the other party." — Gallatin. 

Wampum, ob the Money of the Indians. 

Wampum, used by the Indians for money and ornament, 
was firat brought to Plymouth in New England in 
1627. In 1643, when Roger Williams wrote, wampum or 
wampumpeag or white money, and suckauhock, or black or 
blue money, were so plenty that the English, French and 
Dutch bought with them, furs and other things of the Indians, 
for 600 miles north and south from New England. This 
Indian money, which was in the shape of beads, was made of 
sea shells, by the Indians of Long Island, and afterwards by 
those of Block Island, and others. Six of the white beads, 
or three of the black ones, including blue and purple, passed 
for a penny, and a fathom or six feet of the white shell beads 
were worth five shillings. The black beads were of double 
the value of the white. The English used the words white 
wampimi, and black wampum, but as wampum was the 


Indian word for white, these expressions sounded strangely to 
the Indians. The wampumpeag or white beads were much 
more plenty than the black ones. When the price of the 
white beads was 6 for a penny, and 5s. for a string of 
feet, the number of beads was 360 in a fathom, and 5 in an 
inch. These prices continued nominally many years, but the 
supply exceeded the demand ; the value became less and less, 
and white beads fell to 8, 12, and 16 for a penny, and in 1675, 
some were sold for money at 24 for a penny. The price of 
the black beads fell answerably. Massachusetts ordered, in 
1650, that wampumpeag should pass for debts to the value of 
40 shillings, the white at 8 and the black at 4 for a penny, 
except for country rates. This law was repealed in 1661, 
and wampum had no legal price. 

Silver coins were scarce, and the people found wampum 
very convenient, and much of it was used in the Hampshire 
towns, and in other parts of New England. It was frequently 
used to balance the accounts of traders, and it was often paia 
at the ferries and inns. Many men when they paid a tavern- 
bill on a journey, did not take out a purse of coins, but strings 
of wampum and loose beads. Inn-keepers and ferrymen 
received much wampum, and they complained of losses, for 
large quantities could not be disposed of as they received it. 

William Pynchon, and afterwards his son John Pynchon, 
were extensively engaged in trade with the Indians and whites, 
and they dealt more largely in wampum than any others on 
Connecticut River, above or below Springfield. They pur- 
chased some bushels of loose shell beaids at a time, whether 
by weight, or measure, is not known ; and employed the 
women and children of Springfield to string them at their 
dwellings, at three half pence per fathom of 6 feet. Near 
20,000 tathoms were stnmg in Springfield at this rate. One 
kind of wampum was called scosue. John Pynchon sold to 
those whom he had licensed to trade with the Indians, wam- 
pum to the amount of 20, 50, 100, and even 125£ at a time, 
and he received great quantities in payment for goods. 
Wampum continued to depreciate, and in 1675, a fathom of 
white beads was worth only Is. 3d. in money, and the English 
did not deal so much in them. 

The Pynchons' accounts with Indians were always kept in 
fathoms and hands, or in fathoms, hands and pence ; never in 
shillings and pence. They made use of compound addition 
and subtraction that are not found in arithmetics. 

The Indians made of shell beads and threads, belts, girdles, 
scarfs, head-bands, bracelets, necklaces, pendants for the ears ; 
and some made rich caps, aprons, &c. of these beads. A rich 
girdle required about 2300 beads. 



The Indian War of 1675 and 1676* — Erroneous notions about Philip — Impor- 
tance of the Nipmucks — Destruction of Brookfield — ^Mr. Stoddard's account of 
the attempt to disarm the Norwottucks, and of their escape — Fight above 
Hatfield — ^Deerfield burnt — Men slain at Nortlitield — Capt. Boers and his party 
cat off at Northfield — ^Xorthficld deserted — ^Attack upon Hadley rei)cllcd by 
the aid of Gen. Goffe — Capt. Lathrop and his company slain at Bloody Brook — 
Deerfield abandoned — Burning of Sprin^eld — Attack on Hatfield. 

This war is commonly denominated " Philip's War," from 
the English name of the sachem of the Wampanoags or 
Pokanokets, who commenced it. His chief seat was called 
Mount Hope bjr the English, and is now within the town of 
Bristol, R. 1. In this war, the people of Massachusetts, and 
of some of the adjoining colonies, first experienced the devas- 
tation and barbarity which distinguish Indian warfare. 

Our ancestors viewed Philip as the master spirit, who 
influenced the councils and conduct of other tribes, and con- 
trived and directed most of the attacks, slaughters and desola- 
tions of the war. They represented liim as a malignant 
demon, bent on the blackest deeds. Some of their descend- 
ants are inclined to view him as " a great warrior, a pene- 
trating statesman, and a mighty prince." Neither the old nor 
the recent writers seem to have formed a just estimate of his 
character. Philip, in great qualities, did not surpass many 
other sachems in New England and other colonies. Indeed, 
some Nipmuck sagamores seem to have been as enterprising 
and efficient actors in this bloody and desolating war, as 
Philip himself. The great foresight, profound schemes, and 
unbounded influence attributed to him are to a great extent 
imaginary. He was no more inhuman and cruel than other 

Philip was not able to combine against the English in 1675 
more than 850 or 900 fighting men,t nor so many at one time ; 
Hiese men, and the women and children connected with 
them, may have numbered 3500.} More than half were 
Nipmucks, some of whom were subject to Philip. He did 
not persuade a smgle tribe in Connecticut, Rhode Island, or 
New Hampshire, to unite with him, though Indians from 
those colonies may have aided him. The Indians in Plymouth 
Colony were more numerous than in Massachusetts, and many 

* Meet of the account of this war was prepared in 1847. 

tXhe war in Bfaine which commenced in Sept. 1675, had a different origin. 

tTbe Indiana in New England exclusive of Maine, in 1675, may have 


owed some kind of allegiance to Philip, yet not many were 
willing to engage in his quarrel. 

The Indians in Massachusetts and New Hampshire in 1674 
did not exceed 4400. Gookin,* in 1674, estimated the Paw- 
tuckets in New Hampshire and Massachusetts at 250 men, 
and the Massachusetts nation at 300 men. Reckoning every 
fourth person, a man or warrior, the whole number oi these 
two nations would be 2200. The Nipmucks or Nipnets may 
have been about 2200 more, and their fighting men, 650. 
Bayliesf estimated the Nipmucks at 1000 and Feltf at 2400. 
Some of these were praying Indians who did not miite in the 
war. About one-third of the Nipmucks were in the vicinity 
of Connecticut River. 

Not many of the Pawtucket and Massachusetts nations 
joined in the war. The hostile Indians in 1675 were mostly 
Nipmucks. Philip's Wampanoags and others that aided him 
in Plymouth Colony may nave been 250 fighting men. But 
after he left the Pocasset swamp, Au^. 1, 1675, and fled 
towards the Nipmuck country, many ot his men withdrew 
from him, and the squaw-sachem of Pocasset and her men 
drew off to the Narragansetts. Gookin had been '* certainly 
informed that he had little above fifty men left, but hundreds 
of old men, women and children."^ 

It may be supposed that some Indians from Plymbuth 
Colony, and from tribes elsewhere, joined Philip after he came 
to Hampshire with 40 or 50 men, but his warriors exclusive 
of Nipmucks, were not numerous at any time, perhaps 
200. His Wampanoags were not distinguished from other 
Indians and performed no greater deeds than others. It 
is a little remarkable that the histories, letters and other 
documents relating to this war, do not furnish any evidence 
that Philip, after he came among the Nipmucks, was present 
in a single fight with the English. No particular exploit or 
achievement performed by him is recorded. It is hardly to 
be doubted, however, that he was actively engaged in some 
of the furious attacks made upon the English near Connecticut 
River. But the Nipmucks showed that they were capable of 
planning and executing daring enterprises without the assist- 

* Gookin's " Historical CoUections," 1674 and " Christian Indiana," 1C77. He 
was more pains-taking and accurate than some other writers. 

t Memoir of Plymouth Colony. 

t Statistical Collections, Vol. L, Part II. 

$ George Memecho, a Christian Indian, who was taken by the Nipmucks, was 
present when Philip and his party first came to the Nipmucks, on the fifth of 
August, a few miles from Brookfield, and he related that Philip then had about 
40 men, besides women and children. The greater part of the men who were 
with him when he escaped firom Pocasset, had left him. 


ance of Philip. They destroyed Brookfield, and made 
Bumerous fierce assaults upon the garrison house. The 
river Nipmucks burnt Springfield. The dreadfiil carnage and 
devastation at Lancaster, Feb. 10, 1676, were chiefly the 
work of the Nipmucks, when Philip was far distant. 

The Narragansets favored the hostile Indians, and protected 
those that fled to the Narraganset country, but did not assault 
the English plantations until February and March, 1676, after 
the English had destroyed their fort and many of their people. 
When assaults were made by Indians, it was impossible to 
know how many there were, and loose conjectures always 
exaggerated their numbers. There is no reason to believe 
that 500 Indians were engaged in any fight or attack during 
this war, the Narraganset swamp fight excepted. 

The number of Indians which the Enghsh imagined they 
had killed in an engagement, was usually much over-rated. 
They did not find the dead bodies, and could judge only by 
gaess. They relied too much upon what captive Indians 
" owned" or " confessed." These Indians often told a story 
to please those in whose power they were, and their admis- 
nons are seldom worthy of credit. 

Philip cherished enmity against the English, because he 
■opposed they had wronged him ; yet the tradition in Rhode 
Isiand, sixty years after his death, was, that Philip himself 
was not for war, but was forced into it by the fury of his 
yofing men, against his own judgment and inclination.* 
"The commencement of the war was accidental."t 

There are no intimations that the Nipmucks, who entered 
into the war so furiously, had ever complained of being 
wronged by the English. The Quabaugs, and perhaps other 
Nipmucks, had long been accounted subjects oi the Wampa- 
Doags, and when Uncas attacked the Quabaugs in 1661, they 
were defended by a brother of Philip. They were intimately 
connected with the Wampanoags, and i*eadily joined them in 
the war. The Norwottucks and others near Connecticut 
River, were closely related to the Quabaugs. 

This memorable war began near Mount Hope, on Thursday^ 
Jane 24, 1675, when the Wampanoags slew nine of the inhab- 
. itants of Swansey. Soldiers were sent from Boston and 
Hymouth, and Philip and his people fled to Pocasset, now in 
Tiverton ; and houses were burnt and people slain in some 
places in the vicinity. The English enclosed Philip and his 
Indians in Pocasset Neck, but early on the first of August, 

'Century Sennon in 1738, by Mr. Callender, a Baptist minister at Newport, 
t Bancroft's History of the United States. 



they found means to escape. They were discovered at Reho- 
both, and pursued towards the Nipmuck country, and four- 
teen slain. 

On the 14th of July, while Philip was near Pocasset, the 
Nipmucks began their mischief, and killed four or five perscHiB 
at Mendon. This was the first English blood shed in war, in 

When the war be^an, Hampshire county contained the 
following towns and plantations : — Springfield, including 
West Springfield and Longmeadow ; Westfield, Northampton, 
Hadley, Hatfield, Deerfield, Northfield, Brookfield and Suf- 
field. The people at Suffield soon left the place ; and if there 
were any settlers at Swampfield (Sunderland,) they did not 
long remain. 

The second attempt of the Nipmucks was in the county of 
Hampshire. The Council ordered Capt. Edward Hutchinson 
to take Capt. Thomas Wheeler and about twenty horsemen, 
and Ephraim Curtis for a guide, and go to the Nipmucks near 
Quabaug, and treat with them. They reachea Brookfield, 
with three Christian Indians, on Sunday, the first of August. 
The Indians, who were at Meminimisset,* supposed to be 
about ten miles distant, northerly, promised to meet Capt. H. 
the next morning, on a plain,t about three miles from the 
villsige. On the 2d of August, Capt. H. and his party and 
three of the principal men of Brookfield, rode to the plain 
and found no Indians. Capt. H. was persuaded by the Brook- 
field men to go farther, and when they had proceeded north- 
erly four or five miles, and were in a narrow passage, having 
a bushy, rocky hill on the right, and a thick swamp on the 
left, a large body of Indians lying in ambush on both sidee, 
suddenly fired upon them and killed eight and wounded five. 
The survivors were forced to go up the steep hill, and bv the 
guidance of the Christian Indians, they escaped to the village. 
Having arrived before the Indians, they took possession of 

* Meminimissct, or Wennimisset, the new seat of the Qoab&ugs in 1675, ii 
often named in the Histories of this war. Ephraim Curtis risit^ it twice in 
Julj, 1675, and noticed its situation. Here Pnilip first came to the Nipmads 
on the 5th of Augrust. Mrs. Rowlandson was brought to the same place, a cap- 
tive, in February, IG76, and here her wounded child died. It was part of a trad 
of land which is now in New Braintree, about eight miles from West Brookfield, * 
and has Ware River on the north, the meadow or swamp in which MeminimiaMit 
brook flows on the west and south, and the same low, swampj land on most ik 
the east side. The road from Hardwick to New Braintree crosses it. I viaited 
this place in 1854. — The spot where the party of Capt. Hutchinson was ambushed, 
was southward from the Quabaug camp, and cannot be identified. It seema 
to have been on the east side of the valley. 

tThis plain is said to be near the head or north part of Wickabaiur pond in 

West Brookfield. 


one of the largest and strongest houses,* and fortified them- 
selves as well as they could in a short time. The inhabitants, 
fifteen or sixteen families, being informed of the disaster, all 
came in haste to the same house, bringing but little with them. 
The Indians soon flocked into the village and assailed the 
house with their bullets, and began to bum other build- 
, mgs. During the two succeeding nights and days, they 
continued to besiege the house, and made various attempts to 
bum it, without success. One man was mortally wounded at 
the garret window, and another was killed without the build- 
ing, and some others were wounded. The house contained 
twenty-six men capable of doing service, the wounded, and 
fifty women and children. The twenty-six men, vigilant and 
brave, extinguished the fires upon the buildinff, and repelled 
the assaults of the Indians, until the evening oi the third day, 
August 4th, when Major Simon Willard came to their relief 
with Capt. Parker and forty-six men and five friendly Indians. 
Before the next morning, the Indians left the place. The 
Indians were judged to be 300, and one afterwards taken, 
** confessed*' that they had about 80 killed and wounded.t 

On the first night, Ephraim Curtis, to obtain help, crept 
out on his hands and knees, and reached Marlborough, on the 
morning of August 4th. Some travelers towards Connecticut 
Kiver, observing the burning at Quabaug, returned to Marl- 
borough, the same morning, a little before Curtis arrived, and 
a post had been sent to Major Willard, who was near 

The eight persons killed by the Indians in ambush, were 
Sergeant John Ayres, Sergeant William Pritchard, and Cor- 
poral Richard Coy, all of Brookfield ; Zechariah Phillips, 
Timothy Farley, Edward Coburn, Samuel Smedley and 
Shadrach Hapgood, of other towns. Captain Hutchinson, 
severely wounded at the same time, died at Marlborough, 
Aug. 19. Those killed at the house were Henry Young, and 
Samuel Pritchard, son of Wm. P. Besides these eleven, 
) James Hovey and another were slain somewhere in Brookfield 
the same day4 

*TheT selected the house used for an inn, and the Hampshire records show 
ftaft John Ayres kept the inn. It was on Foster's Hill, and the site is about 
i^ or 70 rods south-east of the dwelling-house of the late Judge Foster, The 
Tillage was on this hill, and the road between Hadley and Springfield and 
fiofton, passed over this hiU, near 150 years after 1675. 

f Capt Wheeler's Narrative. — Perhaps there were 200 Indians. If the 26 men 
Uled and wounded half of 80, they did well. 

I "A list of men slain in the county of Hampshire" in 1675, prepared by 
Bev. John Russell of Hadley, and now in the State archives, says 13 men were 
flain at Quabaug, Sept. 2, but names only 11. 

In the printed aoooonts of the destruction of Brookfield, the Christian name of 


The wounded left the house as soon as they were able to 
travel, and the inhabitants of the town removed to other 
places.* The buildmgs were all burnt except that of John 
Ayres, and another that was unfinished. The meeting-house 
was burnt, and also a grist-mill owned by John Pynchon. 
A ffarrison was kept in the place till sometime in October, 
and it was re-established early in March, 1676. 

The events at Brookfield produced much alarm in the 
colony and especially in Hampshire county. Major John 
Pynchon of Springfield, sent a messenger to the Governor and 
Council of Connecticut, August 6th, and Capt. Thomas Watts 
of Hartford and 40 dragoons came up to Springfield on the 
6th, where 27 dragoons under Lieut. Thomas Cooper and 10 
Springfield Indians joined them, and all marched to Brookfield 
on the 7th. Captains Lothrop and Beers, sent up by the 
Council at Boston, arrived at Brookfield the same day. On 
the 8th, they proceeded northerly to the place called Memini- 
misset, but found no Indians. The Springfield company 
proceeded ten miles further but found no track of Indians, 
and they returned to Springfield on the 10th. The others 
returned to Brookfield. A company of 30 river Indians from 
towns about Hartford came up and ranged the woods with 
the others ; and Joshua, son of Uncas, came up vsdth 30 
Indians, Aug. 9th. Major John Talcott was sent up Aug. 12th» 
to consult with Major Pynchon and others in Hampshire. 
Capt. Mosely of Boston came up to Brookfield with his com- 
pany, and left for Lancaster, Aug. 15. Major Willard con- 
tinued at Brookfield some time. 

After the arrival of troops at Brookfield, the Nipmucks and 
Wampanoags seem to have fled northerly to Paquayag, now 
Atbol, and other places in that neighborhood. The English 
could not trace Philip, afl;er he came into the Nipmuck coun- 
try, and knew not certainly where he was for some months* 

After Philip's escape from Pocasset, Plymouth Colony was 
nearly free from the ravages of Indians for six or seven 
months ; and excepting those slain at Mendon, July 14, some at 
Lancaster, Aug. 22, and two others, the Indians killed none in 
Massachusetts, east of Brookfield, in 1675, nor until February, 
1676. The hostile Indians were gathered together in the 
region about Connecticut River, after the latter part of 

Sergt. Pritchard, is erroneously Joseph or John, and Corp. Coy's is bj miataka 
John. The Hampshire records and rynchon accounts prove that the former w«t 
William and the latter Richard. 

* John Warner and his sons and some others came to Etadley. Kr. John 
Younglove, who had been preaching at Brookfield, came to Hadley, periiapi 
before 1675. 


Auffust, 1675, and their fury fell upon the Hampshire villages 
and the troops sent to their aid. 

The troops under Captains Lothrop, Beers, and Watts, and 
the Connecticut Indians, explored the country up Swift River, 
Connecticut River and elsewhere for some aays, without 
meeting an enemy. Some of our Norwottuck Indians went 
forth with them. Major Pynchon wrote to Secretary Allyn 
of Connecticut, in the night of August 22d, and stated that 
Capt. Watts had returned to Hadley, and the Bay forces to 
Quabaug ; that nothing had been done, except the burning of 
about 50 wigwams found empty : that our Indians that went 
out were suspected of being treacherous ; and that the enemy 
T^as supposed to be at Paquayag. Major Pynchon wished to 
have Capt. Watts remain longer, and make discovery of the 
enemy at Paquayag, but he and the Connecticut Indians soon 
returned to Hartford ; he left ten men at Deerfield. A guard 
of 20 men had been sent to Northfield. Captains Lothrop 
and Beers came to Hadley about the 23d of August. 

Mr. Stoddard's Letter. 

Rev. Solomon Stoddard, of Northampton, wrote the follow- 
ing letter to the Rev. Increase Mather, dated Sept. 15, 1676, 
ipirhich is copied from Mather's " Brief History of the War 
"with the Indians in New England," printed in 1676. Mr. 
Stoddard sent to Connecticut, the *' Seasons alleged for 
demanding the arms of the Indians of Northampton and 
Hadley," more extended than those in his letter to Mr. Mather, 
and extracts are made from the former. 

** Bererend and dear brother, 

I received yours, wherein amon|^ other things, jovl desire an account of 

Ike -puBtLges of our war with the Indians. I shall, in answer to your desire, 

idate the most remarkable passages. The people here having many causes of 

jealousy of the unfiaithfulness of our Indians, presented the same before the 

eommittees of the militia, whereupon it was thought meet to desire of them the 

•QRendry of their arms, and by ])er8uasion obtained about nine and twenty. But 

about three days after, they beine desirous to go forth with some forces from 

Hartford, both Indians and English, and some from the Bay, in pursuit of Philip, 

their arms were delivered to them again ; but a while after their return, jealousies 

still increasing, there was a general desire in the people of these three towns, 

that they should be again disarmed, and such things as these were presented to 

fteoooDcil here, as inducing thereunto : — [Reasons for disarming the Indians. 

1. The Indians were wont in former years, to apply for ground to plant on, in 

the winter and beginning of spring. This year they desired not giound to plant 

on till planting time. 2. Many went to Quabaug to our enemies. 3. Wappaye 

told Deac. Oo^iman of Hadley, before the war broke out, that there woula be 

wir between the English and Indians this summer. 4. Before tidings of the war 

h Plymouth colonynad been received, our Indians, who in all times of danger 

tad war, bad been wont to seek shelter by crowding into our homelots, as near 

our houses as possible, and beg^ng house-room for their stuff and tliemselves, 

BOW, on a sudden, plucked up theic wiflrwams, and took away the goods they had 

fattd np in our houses. 5. Th^ shot buUcts at our men five several times, in 

(Svene places,— one at John Clary as he was passing by the fort in the road. 


between Northampton and Hatfield. 6. After men were killed at Qoabang, tliejjr 
made eleven triumphing shouts, as their manner is when they have slain their 
enemies. 7. An Indian woman told the English that two of Fhi.lip's men were 
come to the fort 8. A Frenchman going towards Quabaug, saw three Indiana, 
who told him thej were coming to Norwottuck to persuade the Indiana to join in 
the war. 9. When our Indians went out with tne army, all were dissatisfied 
with their behavior, and Joshua, son of Uncas, said our Indians made fbola of 
the English. lU. The sachems of the Connecticut Indians advised us to disarm 
them. 11. When they were with our army, near Potetipaog, they said thej 
must not fight against their mothers, brothers and cousins, (for Quabaug Indians 
are related to them.) 12. Their carriage was surly and insolent 13. A squaw 
counselled goodwifc Wright to get into town with her cliildren, and said sba 
durst not tell her news, ror the Indians would cut off her head. Wappawy coii> 
fessed that he and several of our Indians had been with Philip.] Otner things 
too many to enumerate were presented, and the council saw cause to demand 
their arms, August 24th. They made some objections but were fully answered. 
The sachem left the council, to try whether he could persuade the Indians, prom- 
ising however to bring in his own, [arms.] In the afternoon, the council sent 
to the fort for their answer ; they told the messenger that some Indians were 
abroad in the meadows, and they were not willing to deliver up their arms with- 
out their consent, but in the morning they should have their answer. The 
messenger was desired to go a^ain to them in the evening, to confer with theni« 
to txy whether he could persuade them, and coming to the other side of the river, 
wished some of them to come over ; they bid him come over to them, and bia 

him kiss . Whereupon Captains Lothrop and Beers,* with whom the 

thing was left, intended to take their arms by force, and at midnight sent over to 
our officers, to draw as nigh the fort as they could without being perceived, and 
they would do the like on Hatfield side, and so at break of day come upon them, 
but before they came, the Indians were fled, having killed an old sachem who 
was not willing to g^ with them*. The captains resolved to follow them, and 
pursued a great pace after them, with about an hundred men, having sent 
back a part of ours for a guard of the town. They intended to parley with the 
Indians, but on a sudden the Indians let fly about forty guns at them and were 
soon answered by a volley from our men ; about forty ran down into the swamp 
liter them, pour^ in shot upon them, made them throw down much of their 
luggage, ana after a while, our men, after the Indian manner, got behind trees 
and watched their opportunities to make shots at them. The fight continued 
about three hours ; we lost six men upon the ground, though one was shot in the 
back by our own men ; a seventh died of his wound coming home, and two died 
the next night, nine in all, of nine several towns, evezy one of these towns lost 
a man.t Of the Indians, as we hear since by a sauaw ^t was taken, and by 
three children that came to our town from them tne day after, there were slain 
twentyHBix.t An Indian and a squaw both own tlmt our Indians received worn- 
pam from Philip in the spring. After this fight we heard no more of them till 

* Captains Lothrop and Beers were in Hadloy. The messenger had been sent 
on that side, and the river was between him and the fort. The captains sent 
over at midnight, " to our officers," that is, the Northampton officers. Captains 
L. and B. crossed the river from Hadley into Hatfield and marched down towardi 
the fort, while the Northampton men marched up to it The fort was about hall 
way between the two villages. 

tThe nine persons slun in this first fight near Connecticut River, were :—> 
Azariah Dickinson of Hadley, son of Nathaniel D.; Samuel Mason of North- 
ampton, onlv son of Thomas M. ; Richard FeUows of Hatfield, son of Richard F. 
deceased ; James Levens, John Plummer, Mark Pitman, Joseph Person, Matthew 
Scales, William Cluff, from six eastern towns. 

X As the Indians chose their own ground, and fought in their own way, it is 
hardly to be believed that they lost more men than the English. 

Menowniet, a half Narraganset and half Mohefj^an Indian, was in this engage- 
ment ; he affirmed that no Indians were killed, in this fight This testimony is 
not to be relied on, but is as worthy of credit as many tmngs more fayorable to 
the English, which the Indians ** owned.** 


the first of September, when they shot down a erarrlson soldier of Pocomptnck,* 
that was looking after his horse, and ran violent^ up into tbe town, many people 
haTing scarcely time enough to get into the garnsons. That day, they burnt 
most of their nouses and bams, the garrisons not being strong enough to sally 
out upon them, but killed two of their men from the forts. The next day [Sept. 2d] 
they set upon several men that were gone out of the fort at Squaldieag ; they 
•lew eight of oucjnen, not above one of them being slain that we know of, but 
made no attempt upon the fort. The next day j[ Sept. 3,] this onset being 
unknown. Cant. Beers set forth [from Hadley,] with about thirtv-six men and 
•ome carts to letch off tbe g^arrison at Squakhcag, and coming within three miles 
of the place, the next morning [Sept. 4th,] were set upon by a great number of 
Indians from the side of a swamp, where was a hot dispute for some time. They 
having lost their Captain and some others, resolved at last to fly, and going to 
take £>r8e, lost several men more, I think about twelve ; the most that escaped 
mi to Hadley that evening ; next morning another came in, and at nig^t anotoer 
uiat had been taken by the Indians, and loosed from his bonds by a Natick 
Indian ; he tells that the Indians were all drunk that night, that they mourned 
much for the loss of a great captain, that the English had killed twenty-five of 
^ir men. Six days auor, another soldier came in, who had been lost ever since 
the fight, and was almost famished, and so lost his understanding that he knew 
not what day the fight was on.t 

On the 5Ui of September, [Sunday] Major Treat sot forth for Sqnakheag with 

above an hundred men ; next day coming nigh Squakheag, his men were much 

dannted to see the heads of Cant. Beers* soldiers upon poles by the wayside.^ 

After they were come to Squakneag, some were fired upon by about fourteen 

Indians. Major Treat was struck upon the thigh, but not harmed. Coming to 

tbe fort, he concluded forthwith to bring off the garrison ; so they came away the 

lime night, [Sept. Gtii] leaving the cattle there, and the dead bodies unburied, 

nnoe wluch, seventeen of their cattle came a great part of the way themselves, 

ind have since been fetched into Hadley. $ 

Upon the 12th of this month, [Sunday] the Indians made an assault upon 
twenty-two men of Pocomptuck, that were going from one ganison to the other 

^This was James Eggleston of Windsor, left at Deerfield by Cant. Watts. 
Menowniet was in this attack. He said the Indians were about 6<), and that they 
loQed one Englishman. 

tA note in Mather says the men fought till their powder and shot were spent ; 
iDd tbe Indians killed above twenty and only thirteen escaped. A cart with 
some ammunition fell into the hands of the enemy. Accoroing to Hubbard, 
Cipt Beers went up with supplies for the garrison ; and they were set upon 
**ywj near to the town" out of the bushes, by a swamp side, and Capt. Beers 
ud about 20 of his men were slain. 

, The swampy ravine, south of the village of Northficld, where the Indians were 
inimbush, and Beers's Plain, across which the soldiers retreated, to their horses, 
Bt well known at this day. Men now living have found bones and bullets near 
vbere tiie fighting took place. 

Hr. Russ^i in his hst, reports only sixteen slain at Squakeag, Sept. 4, and 
I^TM the names of eleven, viz., Capt. Richard Beers, John Chenary, Ephraim 
Cluld, Benjamin Crackbone, Robert Pepper, George L^ss, John Gatchell, 
Jimes Miller, John Wilson, Joseph Dickinson [of Korthiield,] William Mark- 
luffl, Jr. [of Hadley, an only son ; he was with a team.] Robert Pepper, erro- 
neoiuly numbered among the slain, was taken, and was with the Indians when 
Hn. Rowlandson was a captive. Capt. Beers was from Watertown, and was in 
the Pequot war 38 years before. His widow died June 19, 1706, aged 92. 

t Hubbard says one man, if not more, was found with a chain hooked into his 
onder jaw, and so hung upon the bough of a tree. It was feared that he was 
hong up alive. 

$ Cattle often fled from the Indians and sought the protection of the English. 
When Major Willard came near Brookfield, the cattle which had been frightened 
tway by the yells and firing of the Indians, fell into his rear and followed him 
ind his company into the village. In this and later Indian wars, the people 
were always alarmed, when the cattle ran furiously out of the woods to the 



to meeting^, in the afternoon, made a great volley of shot at them, but killed not 
one man ; they escaped to the garrison whither they were going, only one man, 
running to the other garrison, was taken alive.* The Indians took np tbeir 
rendezvous on an hillf in the meadow, burnt two more houses, killed many 
horses, and cairied away horse-loads of beef and pork to the hill. The next dar, 
we persuaded some of our inhabitants to g^ volunteers, and sent to Hadley to do 
the uke, who going up with some of Capt. Lothrop*s soldiers, joined themselvea 
to the garrison at Pocomptuck, and on Tuesday [Sept 14th, J very early went 
out to assault the Indians, but they were all fled. Last night Capt. Mosely and 
his men came into Hadley, and this night we expect more forces from Hartfofd. 
If the Lord give not sudden check to these Indians, it is to be feared that moat 
of the Indians in the country will rise. 

I desire you would speak to the firovcmor, that there may be some thorough 
care for a Keformation. I am sensible there are many difficulties therein ; mai^ 
sins are grown so in fashion, that it becomes a question whether they be sins or 
not I desire you would especially mention oppressum^ that intolerable Tpride in 
clothes and hair ;t' the toleration of so manv taverns, especially in Boston, and 
suffering home-dwellers to lie tippling in them. Let me hear soon from yon. 
The Lord bless you and your labors. Forget us not at the throne of grace. 
[A small part of the letter is omitted.] 

The Norwottucks and Pocomtucks. — The fight between 
the Norwottuck Indians and their pursuers happened " about 
ten miles above Hatfield, at a place called Sugar Loaf Hill,' 
according to Hubbard ; " at a swamp beyond Hatfield, 
according to Mr. Russell of Hadley. The place is now 
unknown. These Indians left their native valley, in the niffht 
succeeding August 24th, and never dwelt in it again. No 
doubt there were some among them, especially females like 
the one that informed goodwife Wright of her danger, who 
were favorable to the English, and left the fort with heavy 
hearts. The kindly greeting and the friendly "netop"§ 
between them and the English, were now at an end. 

Their number when they fled may have been between 200 
and 225, with 50 or 6^ fighting men. They manifested more 
spirit and energy in the war than they had been supposed to 
possess, and this may be said of some other tribes. 

The Norwottucks united with the Pocomtucks not long 
after the fight of Aug. 25. Hubbard says the Deerfield Indians 
withdrew from the English and joined the hostile Indians, but 
no circumstances are given relative to their defection. Both 
tribes may have united in the assault upon Deerfield, Sept. Ist 
They were the only enemies on the west side of the Connecti- 
cut for some time. 

* He was probably slain then or soon after. Mr. Russell has the name of 
Nathaniel Comberry, slain at Deerfield. 

tXhis hill is now a conspicuous object in Deerfield meadow. It was a hiding 
and watching place for the Indians. 

X This pride in hair, may allude to wigs which were coming into fashion. 

$ This Indian word was handed down by our ancestors, and it was not nncoin- 
mon, 40 years ago, to hear two intimate finends called " great netops." 


The tidings of the fight of August 25th readied Hartford 
the same day, and the next day, the Council sent up George 
Graves and twenty men, " to assist the plantations of Nor- 
wottog." On the 31st, Major Talcott was again sent up to 
consult with Major Pynchon, On the 3d of September, 
Major Treat came up with men from the counties of Fairfield, 
New Haven and Hartford. He marched to Northfield and 
brought down the garrison and inhabitants, and then returned 
to Hartford, Sept. 9, leaving some of his forces in garrison, in 
three or four towns. Capt. Appleton of Ipswich was here. 

After Major Treat left Northfield, Sept. 6, the Indians 
destroyed this small village. Tliis was the second place in 
Hampshire county that was laid waste.* It had been settled 
only two or three years, but contained nearly as many fami- 
lies as Brookfield. Most of them were from Northampton. 
They had no minister nor meeting-house, but William Janes, 
a competent person, used to pray and exhort in pleasant 
weather, under a broad-spreading tree. 

The Nipmucks and Wampanoags, whom the English cap- 
tains had long sought after in vain, first showed themselves 
. ^n Connecticut River on the first day of September, and 
niade an attack upon Hadley. As our river Indians were 
CDttged the same aay at Deerfield, these must have been the 
Inaians who came Irom the east. And it can hardly be 
4)ubted that they killed the eight men at Northfield, Sept. 2d, 
•ttacked Capt. Beers, Sept. 4, and fired upon Major Treat, 
Sept. 6. They exulted in their successes, and aft^r Northfield 
'^ deserted, lived upon the good thuigs which the English 
^d left. They seem not to have crossed the river and united 
^ the river Indians, until about the middle of September. 


Gen. Goffe. 

The interesting events that took place in Hadley, on 
Wednesday, the first of September, 1676, have been but 
imperfectly disclosed. It was necessary at the time, and long 
•fter, to throw a veil over the transactions of that day, which 
has been, and can be, only partially removed. In the house 
of the Rev. John Russell had long been concealed two men, 
who were worthy of respect and honor, viz.. Generals Edward 
Whalley and William Goffe. They had been conspicuous in 
the revolutions of England, and had been instrumental in 

•The eieht men slain at Northfield, Sent. 2d, were: — Serg. Saniuel Wright, 
£benezer Janes, Jonathan Janes, Kbenczer rarsons, Nathaniel Curtis, Benjamin 
Donwich, Thomas Scott, John P«»rk. The first five were from Northampton, 
ind all bat Serg. Wright were young men. ^ 



bringing a guilty king, Charles I, to the block. They were 
of course odious to all who believed in the divine right of 
kings, and after the restoration of Charles II, were pursued 
and hunted by the minions of royalty. Mr. Kussell, who 
feared not to do what he thought to be right, received them 
into his house in 1664, where they remained hidden from the 
world, and even from the people of Hadley. A few persons 
were in the secret in that town and elsewhere. Had their 

Elace of residence been discovered by their enemies, they and 
[r. Kussell and others would have been exposed to destruc- 
tion. Whalley was superannuated in 1675, but Goffe was 
still capable of service. 

The fight at Hadley, is thus concisely noticed by Mather.* 
On the farst of September, " one of the churches in Boston 
was seeking the face of God by fasting and prayer before him. 
Also that very day, the church in Hadley was before the Lord 
in the same way, but were driven from the holy service they 
were attending, by a most sudden and violent alarm, which 
routed them the whole day after." This was all that Mather 
dared to publish in 1676 ; and Hubbard does not even allude 
to the fight.t Nothing more appeared in print until Governor 
Hutchinson published his History of Massachusetts in 1760, 
in which the following notice of Goffe's heroic act appeared 
in a note. 

" The town of Hadlej was alarmed by the Indians in 1675, in the time of 
pnblic worship^ and the ]>copIo were in the utmost confusion-t Suddenly a ^niTe, 
elderly person appeared in the midst of them. In his mien and dress he differed 
from the rest of the people. He not only encouraged them to defend themselvety 
but put himself at their nead, rallied, instructed and led them on to encount^ the 
enemy, who by this means were repulsed. As suddenly the deliverer of Hadley 
disappeared. The people were left in consternation, utterly unable to account 
for this strange phenomenon. It is not probable that they were ever able to 
explain it. If Goffe had been then discovered, it must have come to the knowl- 
edge of those persons, who declare by their letters that they never knew whit 
became of him." 

This attack was on the first of September, according to 
Hutchinson. He says this anecdote of Goffe was handed 
down through Governor Leverett's family. Gov. L. was at 
Hadley while the judges were there.^ 

*He probably knew all the particulars. Mr. Stoddard may have commnnicated 
them to him. 

tHoyt, in his Antiquarian Researches, expresses an opinion that September 
first is an erroneous date, because Hubbard did not mention any attack upon 
Hadley, at that time. Hubbard had good reasons for his silence. Hoyt had not 
seen Mather's History. 

t Captains Lothrop and Beers were then in Hampshire county, but may have 
been on the west side of the river. 

$ Traditions are to be very cautiously received, but this seems to be entitled to 
credit. Gov. Hi^chinson's father was bom before Philip's war, and most have 


President Stiles, in his History of three of the Judges of 
Charles I, published in 1794, thus relates the story of the 
angel that appeared at Hadley. 

"Though told with some variation in different parts of New England, the tme 

stonr of tne angel is this. That pious congregation were observing a fast at 

Hadley, on occasion of the war ; and being at public worship in the meeting- 

bonae Uiere, on a fast da^, September 1, 1675, were suddenly surrounded and 

raivrized by a body of Indians. It was the usage in the frontier towns, and even 

at New Haven, in those Indian wars, for a select number of the congregation to 

fo anned to public worship. It was so at Hadley at this time. The people 

immediately took to their arms, but were thrown into great consternation and 

eonfusion. Had Hadley been taken, the discovery of the Judges had been inev> 

HtUe. Suddenly, and m the midst of the people there apeared a man of a very 

Tenerable aspect, and different from the inhabitants in his apparel, who took the 

command, arranged, and ordered them in the best military manner, and under 

bis direction they replied and routed the Indians, and the town was saved. He 

immediately vanished, and the inhabitants could not account for the phenomenon, 

but by considering that person as an Angel sent of God upon that special occa- 

rion for their deliverance ; and for some time after said and believed that they 

had been delivered and saved by an Angel. Nor did they know or conceive 

ottierwise till fifteen or twenty years after, when it at length became known at 

Hadley that the two Judges had been secreted there ; which probably they did 

mot know till after Mr. KusseH's death, in 1692. This story, however, of the 

Angel at Hadley, was before this universally diffused thro' New-England by 

means of the memorable Indian war of 1675. The mystery was unriddled after 

the revolution, [in England in 1684,] when it became not so very dangerous to 

^tBft it known that the Judges had received an asylum here, and that Goffe was 

ietoally in Hadley at that time. The Angel was certainly General Goffe, for 

Whalley was superannuated in 1675.* 

Capt. Samuel Mosely came to Hadley with a company of 
rfwat sixty Bay soldiers, on the 14th of September, and soon 
•fterwent up to Deerfield. On the 15th or 16th, Major Treat 
ttrived at Northampton with more Connecticut troops. Capt. 
John Mason, of Norwich, was ordered to lead a company of 
Ifohegans and Pequots up to Norwottuck and other planta- 
twJns. Capt. Lothrop's head-quarters were at Hadley. 

Capt. Lothbop and his company slain at Muddy Brook. 

A large quantity of grain at Deerfield had been thrashed 
•nd teams and drivers provided to convey the grain and other 
•rticles to Hadley. Capt. Lothrop and his company were to 
guard them, and they commenced their march on Saturday, 
Sept. 18th. The eastern Indians had crossed to the west side 
of the river and united with the others ; and they had watched 
the movements of the English without being discovered. The 
lucceeding account is from Mather. 

" September 18, Captain Lothrop, a godly and courageous commander, with 
■bo^ seventy men, were sent to oe as a guard to some that were coming from 

^•en well acquainted with the Leverett family. The widow of Gov. Leverett 
M in 1704, only seven years before Gov. H. was bom. 

*Pres. Stiles errs in snpposing the meeting-house was surrounded by Indians. 
^HvtduDson does not allude to the angel story. 


Deerfield with carts laden with g^oods and provisions, to be removed to Hadley 
for security. But as they were coming:, tne Indians lurked in the swamps and 
multitudes of them made a sudden and frightful assault.* They seiased upon tbh 
carts and goods, (many of the soldiers having been so foolish and secure as to pafc 
their arms in the carts, and step aside to gather grapes, which proved dear and 
deadly ^apes to them,) killed Capt. Lothrop and above three score of Ids men, 
Btrippeu them of their clothes, and so left them to lie weltering in their own 
blooa. Capt. Mosely, who was gone out [from Deerfield] to range the woods, 
hearing the sruns, hastened to their help, but before he could come, the other 
captain and Bis men were slain, as hath been expressed. Nevertheless he gave 
the Indians battle ; they were in such numbers as that he and his company were 
in extreme danger. In the nick of time. Major Treatt with above an hundred 
men, and three score of Uncas his Indians, came in to succor those that were 80 
beset with the enemy, whereupon the enemy presently retreated and night 
coming on, there was no pursuing of them. In this nght but few of Ci^yt. 
Mosely's men were slain.t How many Indians were killed is uncertain ; it bein^ 
their manner to draw away their dead men as fast as they are killed, if possibly 
they can do it. I am informed that some of the Indians have reported tnat they 
lost ninetv-six men that day, and that they had above forty wounded, many of 
whom died afterwards.^ However, this was a black and fatal day, wherein there 
were eight persons made widows and six and twenty children made fatberlemt, 
all in one httle plautation, and in one day :|| and above sixty persons boried in 
one dreadful grave." 

Hubbard ascribes this great defeat to a wrong notion of 
Capt. Lotbrop, that it was best to fight Indians in their own 
way, by skulking behind trees.** Hoyt thinks they wanted 
circumspection on the previous march, and that destruction 
was unavoidable, after they fell into an ambuscade. Hubbard 
says Lothrop's company were " the very flower of the county 
01 Essex, none of which were ashamed to speak with the 
enemy in the gate." Capt. Lothrop was from Beverly, and 
left a widow but no children. 

* The place of this assault was near Muddy brook, a small stream, which now 
crosses tne highway in the village of South Deerfield. It was called Muddy 
brook before and after this disaster ; and has since often been named Bloody 

t Major Treat marched for Squakeag that morning, probably from Northamp- 
ton, and arrived near Muddy brook " in the nick of time." 

t According to Mr. Russell's list, he lost three men, viz., Peter Barron, John 
Gates and another. According to Hubbard, he had two men killed and eight or 
nine wounded. 

$ One-eyed John, a Nipmuck sAgamore, told James Quannapohit, that he lott 
only one man in the fight with Capt. Lothrop, and one with Capt Beers ; and 
that the other Indians lost but two men. These Indian stories cannot be confided 
in. The Indian report about the loss of 96 men deserves not the least credit. 

II This ** little plantation*' was Deerfield, and seven of the husbands and fathers 
that were slain, were Samuel Hinsdale, who left 6 children ; John Allen, 2 or 3 
children ; Joseph Gillet, 6 children ; John Allen, 2 or 3 children ; Joshua Carter, 
2 or 3 children ; Zcbadiah Williams, 2 children ; Philip Barsham, children. The 
eighth may have been Robert Hinsdale the father of the other Hinsdales, or 
John Hinsdale. 


Hubbard remarks of Indian fighting : — " The Indians durst not look ail 
Englishman in the face in the open field, nor ever yet were known to kill any 
man with their g^s, unless when they could lie in wait for him in an ambush, 
or behind some shelter, taking aim undiscovered." He might have concluded 
from this Indian mode of warfare, that the English would ordinarily kill very few 


Major Treat and Capt. Mosely went to Deerfield that 
night, and returned to Muddy brook the next morning, and 
buried the dead. 

A postscript to a letter from the Council of Massachusetts 
to Richard Smith in the Narraganset country, dated Sept. 22, 
1675, gives a short account of the first reports of this sad 
disaster: — 

*' This mominfi^, was receiTcd sad intelligence from Hadley ; that upon 8atur- 
daj last, Capt. Lothrop with about Hixty men, being a])pointc(l to conduct from 
Deer6eld to Hadley with carriages and cattle^ they were surprised by abundance 
of Indians that lay in ambushment and received a dreadful blow ; insomuch that 
above forty of Capt. Lothrop's men with himself were slain. Cnpt. Mosely being 
aot fu off, engag^ with tiie Indians and fought several hours and lost eleven 
men ;* others/ilso wore slain that belonged to the carriages, [carts,] so that the 
next day they buried sixty-four men in aU. The Indians were judged to be near 
t:rt hundred." 

Accounts differ as to the number of English slain. The 
" List of men slain in the county of Hampshire" made out by 
Bev. Mr. Kussell, of Hadley, says seventy-one men were slain 
at Muddy Brook bridge, the 18th of September.t This 
statement is more to be depended on than any other. It 
includes all the teamsters that were killed. 

It may be doubted whether the soldiers and teamsters under 
Capt. Lothrop were more than eighty. About fifty-four of 
the soldiers, and seventeen of the teamsters, were slain. 
Above sixty were buried in one grave, — ^probably the sixty- 
four mentioned in the letter sent to Boston. Some of the 
teamsters may have been buried in the towns below. 

The number of Lidians engaged, according to the first 
i<Bport sent to Boston, was ''near five hundred." This is 

*This number included his wounded men. 

tUr. Russell g^ves the names of only fifty-nine. Of these, forty-two were 
loldien, vie., Capt. Thomas Lothrop, Sergt. Thomas Smith, Samuel Stevens, 
Joim Hobbs, Daniel Button, John Harriman, Thomas Bayley, Ezekiel Sawier, 
Jaeob Kilborne, Thomas Manning, Jacob Wainwright, Benjamin Roper, John 
Beuiet, Thomas Mentor, Caleb Kimbidl, Thomas Hobs, Robert Homes, Edward 
iVyke, Richwrd Lambert, Josiah Dodge, Peter Woodberry, Joseph Balch, 
flnniel Whitteridge, William Duy, Serg. Samuel Stevens, Samuel Crumpton, 
Jskn Phun, Thomas Buckley, George Ropes, Joseph Kinge, Thomas Alexander, 
IVucis Friende, Abel Osyer, John Littleale, Samuel Hudson, Adam Clarke, 

ffindm Farah, Robert Wilson, Stephen Welman, Benjamin Famell, Solomon 
y, John Meriit, 42. 
Karnes of Deerfield Teamsters and a few others. — Robert Hinsdale and his 
three sons, Samuel Hinsdale, Barnabas Hinsdale, and John Hinsdale ; Joseph 
GiUet, John Allen, Joshua Carter, John Barnard, James Tufts, Jonathan Plimp- 
ton, Philip Barsham, Thomas Wcll^, William Smead, (Jr.,) Zebadiah W^illiams, 
^^S^lgi*" Marshall, James Mudge, George Colo, 17. 

Eleven or twelve of these seventeen were Deerfield teamsters and perhaps 
more. John Barnard, a teamster, was a son of Francis Barnard of Hadley. 
llioinas Wells, Eliiddm Marshall, James Mudge and George Cole are placed with 
the teMnsterB by )lr, Russell ; but may not have belonged to Deerfield. 


undoubtedly too high an estimate, but other accounts swelled 
the number to seven or eight liundred, and even to twelve 
hundred. If the Indians were four hundred, they were six 
times as numerous as the soldiers. 

Several men that were with Capt. Lothrop escaped, seven 
or eight according to Hubbard. Some of their names appear 
on petitions to the General Court. A few belonged to Surolk 
county. James Bennet from Boston, a resident in Northamp- 
ton, was slain. 

In two or three days after Capt. Lothrop's defeat, the 
garrison and inhabitant's of Deerfield abandoned the place, and 
a third village in Hampshire county was given up to desola- 
tion. Deerfield was a recent, but thriving village^ containing 
more than twenty families, and having a minister, Mr. Samum 
Mather, afterwards of Windsor. The surviving inhabitanta 
retired to Hatfield and other places. In a petition to the 
Grenerai Court in 1678, of the " remnant of Deerfield's poor 
inhabitants," scattered into several towns, they say truly, that 
" their houses are burnt, their estates wasted, the ablest of 
their inhabitants killed, and their plantation become a wilder- 
ness, a dwelling place for owls," &c. 

The Commissioners of the New England Colonies met at 
Boston in September. They ordered that Massachusetts 
should complete their soldiers already in Hampshire to 300, 
and Connecticut theirs to 200. These were not to be fixed in 
garrisons, but to be employed for a field army, to pursue the 
enemy, &c. 

About the first of October, Capt. Samuel Appleton and 
Capt. Joseph Sill had each a company at Hadley, and Capt. 
Samuel Mosely at Hatfield. On the 4th of October, Lieat» 
Phinehas Upham was sent up with 30 men, and Capt. Jona- 
than Poole, of Reading, was here a few days after. The 
Pequots, Mohegans, and some friendly Nipmucks called Wab- 
aquassucks, returned to Hartford, Sept. 23d, but some Con- 
necticut troops remained. 

Secretary Rawson wrote, Sept. 30 : — " the slaughter in your 
parts has much damped many spirits for the war. Some men 
escape away from the press, and others hide away after they 
are impressed." 

Major Pynchon wrote to the Council, from Hadley, Sept.30| 
as follows : — 

" We are endeavoring: to discover the enemy, and daily send out scouts, but 
little is effected. Our English are somewhat awk and fearful in scouting and 
spyine, though we do the l^st we can. We have no Indian friends here to help 
us. We find the Indians have their scouts out Two days ago two Englisluiieii 
at Northampton, bein^ gone out in the morning to cut wood, and but a little 
from the house, were both shot down dead, having two bullets apiece shot into 


each of their breasts. The Indians cut off their scalps, took their arms and wero 
off in a trice,* 

About the 26th of September, Major Pynchon's farm-house 
and bams, on the west side of the river, with all the grain and 
hay, were set on fire by a few Indians, and consumed.t — 
Major P. thought himself not fitted to be commander of all 
the troops sent into the county, and he requested to be dis- 
charged, before the middle of September, and the request was 
urgently repeated. On the 4th of October, the Council 
appointed Capt. Samuel Appleton, of Ipswich, commander 
in chief of the united forces, and he took the command on 
the 12th of October. 

On the 28th of August, the Council of Connecticut advised 
Maj* Pynchon not to disarm the Springfield Indians, but to 
take hostages of them. This advice appears to have been 
followed, and the hostages were kept at Hartford. The 
Indians continued to profess friendship for the English, but at 
length roused by the victories of the Indians up the river, 
rather than excited by the arts of Philip, they determined to 
aid in the work of destroying the English towns. Their prin- 
cipal fort on the east side of the river was at Longhill, towards 
Lonraieadow. Their chief was commonly named Wequogon, 
an old sachem, who, with his wife Awonusk, sold Hockanum 
and a part of South Hadley to the people of Hadley in 1662. 
Hubbard says the sachem of the Springfield Indians was father 
of the Hadley sachem,! and on this account, he supposes the 
former was more easily persuaded to join with the Hadley 

Major Pynchon, who spent much of his time at Hadley, 
the head-quarters for this county, learning that a body of 
In^ans had been in the vicinity of Hadley mill, called off all 
the soldiers stationed at Springfield, on the 4th of October, 
intending to have his forces go against the enemy that night 
or the next day. On the same day, Oct. 4th, Toto, a Windsor 
Indian, informed the people of Windsor or Hartford of a plot 
of the Indians, to burn Springfield and massacre the inhabi- 
tants the next day. An express was sent up to Springfield ; 

*0n the 28ih of September, Praisever Turner and his man, Uzackaby Shacks- 
peer, were killed at Northampton. Some have imagined that the latter was a 
rdatiTe of Shakspeare. Maj. rynchon calls him an Englishman, but the first 
name does not appear to be English. Praisever Turner's house and lot were 
within a few rods of the present residence of the writer of this volume, on Elm 

tHigor Pynchon hired 24 cattle kept at Lyme, Conn, the next winter. 

1 1 have seen no evidence that Wequogon was the father of Sancumachu, the 
pniicipal sachem of Hadley. Perhaps Sancumachu had married a daughter of 


and from that place a post was dispatched to Major Pynchon 
at Hadley, where he arrived some time in the night. He 
brought tidings that five hundred of Philip's and other Indians 
were in Springfield fort, ready to fall upon the town the next 
day. Another post was sent to Major Treat, who was at 
Westfield. Major Pynchon marched for Springfield the next 
morning, Tuesday, Oct. 5th, with Capt. Appleton and Capt. 
Sill and about 190 soldiers. The following extracts from 
letters, wTitten near the time, will tell the sad story of the 
desolation at Springfield. 

Letter from Major John Pynchon to the Rev. John Bussell of Hadley. — £xtracti. 

'* Springfield, Oct. 5, 1675. 
Eeverend Sir, 

The Lord will have us lie in the duBt before him. It is the Lord and blessed 
be his holy name. We came to a lamentable and woefdl sight : the town in 
llamest not a house nor barn standing except old Goodman Branch's, till we came 
to my house, and then Mr. Glover's, John Hitchcock's, and Goodman Stewart's 
burnt down with bams, com and all they had. A few standing abcmt the 
meeting house, and then from Merrick downwards all burnt except 2 g^arrisoii 
houses at the lower end of the town ; my grist mill and com mill burnt down, 
wiUi some other houses and barns I had let out to tenants. All Mr. GloTer's 
library burnt with all his corn, so that he hath none to live on, as weU as myself 
and many more. They tell mo 32 houses and the bams belonging to them, ai9 
burnt and all the livelihood of the owners. The Lord show mercy to us. fiUr, I 

gray acquaint our Honored Governor with this dispensation of God. I know not 
ow to write. The Lord in mercy speak to my heart and to all our hearts is tha 
feal desire of, 

Yours to serve, 

I pray send down by the post my doublet, coat, linen and papers, I left there. 
[Then follow 60 lines in characters or short hand.] 

Letter from Rev. John Russell of Hadley to the Governor and Council, not 
dated, but written at Hadley, Oct. 6, 1675. — ^Extracts. 

" Right Worshipful, 

The light of another day hath tumed our yesterday's fears into certainties and 
bitter lamentation for the distresses and calamities of our brethren and friends at 
Springfield whose habitations have now become an heap. The enclosed from tlie 
Honored Major will give you such account of it as is with us to make. We hara 
little more to add, only that the houses standing are about 13. Two men and one 
woman slain, viz. Lt. Cooper who was going towards the fort to treat with the 
Indians that the day before professed great friendship, being with 3 or 4 more 
just about a quarter of a itile out of town, was shot so as he fell off his hone, but 
got up again and rode to the end of the town, where he was shot again ^d died. 
The other man was Thomas Miller of Springfield, There appeared not according 
to their estimate above 100 Indians, of whom their own were the chief.* Their 
old sachem Wequogon (in whom as much confidence was put as in any of their 
Indians) was ring-leader in word and deed. Another of their principal men cried 
out to them and told them he was one that burnt Quabaug, and now would make 
them like to it They were gone ere Major Pynchon came in with his forces 

*The information in these lines from Mr. Russell derived from Springfield 
people, proves beyond a doubt the falsity of the rumors about Philip's Indians 
oeing at Springfield. Wequogon and the Springfield Indians could form daring 
plots, and execute them. A few other Indians may have assisted them, but 
Wequogon was " ring-leader in word and deed." The three and five hundred 
Indians of the rumors are here, on good authority, reduced to a hundred or less. 


which WIS about 2 or 3 of the clock. They signified their sense of his approach 
by their whoops and watchwords and wore presently gone. Maj. Treat was g^t 
down from Westfield, some hours sooner on the west side of the river, whose 
<roming beings perceived, 5 men went out of town, and although pursued bv 20 
Indians, earned over a boat which was filled with men, but the Indians standing 
on the river's bank shot at them and shot one through the neck (who is not like 
to recover.) They durst not adventure to pass the river, till Maj. P^nchon was 
come in and the Indians gone. Our army had prepared all things m readiness 
to go forth on Monday at night, (which was the occasion of calhng forth those 
from Springfield) against a considerable party discovered 5 or 6 miles from 
Hadley. But the three alarms we met with and the tidings from Springfield 
wholly disap])ointed it. 

^ Our town of Uadley is now like to drink next (if mercy prevent not) of this 
bitter cup ; we are but about 50 families and now left sobtary. We desire to 
repose our confidence in the eternal and living God who is the refuge of bis 
people, and to stand ready to do and suffer his will in all things. To h& grace I 
commend you. 

Your wor'ps humbly in all service, 


Our wounded men are greatly distressed for want of medicines. Those by sea 
not jet come at us ; those expected by Capt. Waite left at Roxbury. 

Letter from Migor John Pynchon to Governor Leverett, — Extracts, 

Springfield, Oct. 8, 1675. 
** Honored sir, 

^ I desired Mr, Russell to give you an account of the sore stroke upon poor 
distressed Springfield, which I hope will excuse my late doing of it. On the 4th 
of October our soldiers which were at Sprinp^eld I had called all ofi^, leaving 
none to secure the town because the Commissioners' order was so strict. That 
night a post was sent to us that 500 Indians were about Springfield intending to 
deitroy it the 5th of October. Witli about 200 of ' ir soldiers I marched down to 
Springfield where we found all in flames, about .' dwelling houses burnt down 
and 24 or 25 bams, mv com mill, saw mill an other buildings.* Generally 
men's liay and com ar** oumt and many men wh a houses stand had their goods 
bomt in other houses which they had carried the to. Lt. Cooper and two more 
slain and 4 persons wounded.! That the town did not utterly perish is cause of 
great thankfulness. As soon as said forces appeared the Indians all drew ofif, so 
uat we saw none of them. We sent out scouts that nic'ht and the next day but 
discovered none. Our endeavors here are to secure the liouses and corn that are 
lefk. Onr people are under great discouragement and talk of leaving the place. 
We need your orders and directions about it. How to have provisions, I mean 
bread, for want of a mill, is difficult. The soldiers here alreadv complain on that 
aeooont, although we have flesh enough. Many of the innabitanta have no 
houses, which fills and throngs up every room of those that have, together with 
the soldiers ; indeed it is very uucx)nifurtable living here. But I resolve to attend 
what God calls me to and to stick to it as long as I can. I hope God will make 
up in himself what is wanting in the creature, to me, and to us all. 

To speak my thoughta — ^all these towns ought to be garrisoned, as I have 
fonnerly hinted. To go out after the Indians in the swamps and thickets is to 
hasaid all onr men, unless we know where they keep; which is altogether 
unknown tons. 

I remain, your unworthy serv't, 


*Capt Appleton states in a letter of Oct. 12, that about Xi houses and 25 bams 
were Dumt. and about 15 houses left unbumt, in the town-plat. On the west 
side of the river, and in the outskirts on the east side, about 60 houses wei^ 
standing, and much com in and about them. 

t Those killed at Springfield, Oct. 5, were Lieut. Tliomns Cooper, Thomas 
Miller, and Pentecost >£itthews, wife of John Matthews, Those mortally 
woandod were Nathaniel Browne, and Edmund Pringridays. These died a few 
days alter. 



We ore in great hazard, if we do but stir out for wood, to be sbot down by 
some skulking Indians. Mr. Glover had all his books burnt ; not so much as a 
bible saved — a great loss, for he had some choice books and manj. 

Connecticut sent up forty-three Indians from Farmington, 
Hartford and Wethersfield, Oct. 6, but they effected nothing. 
On the 8th, upon a report that there were hostile Indians* 
near Hartford, Major Treat and a part of his soldiers were 
recalled. He returned to Hampshire about ten days after. 

Capt. Appleton took the command of the forces, and came 
from Springfield to Hadley, Oct. 12th.t He intended to 
march up to Squakeag on the 15th, but reports that the 
Indians were above Hatfield, drew him and his troops to that 
side of the river on the 15th, and again on the 16th. In a 
letter of the 17th, he says, " we have wearied ourselves with 
a tedious night and morning's march, without making any 
discovery of the enemy." 

The Springfield Squaw. — Capt. Appleton, in a letter to Gov. 
Leverett, dated at Hadley, Oct. 16, relates that a letter from 
Major Pynchon informs him of an old Indian squaw, taken at 
Springfield, who tells that the Indians who came to Spring- 
field were 270 ; and that the enemy in all are 600. They 
keep at Coa8set,t a place supposed to be about 50 miles above 

Capt. Mosely wrote a letter to the governor from Hatfield, 
the same day, Oct. 16, of which the following is the con- 
cluding part : — 

" We are told by an Indian that was taken at Sprin^eld, that the Indians 
intend to set npon those three towns in one day. The body that waits to do this 
exploit is abont 600 Indians, as we are informed by the aforesaid Indian ; and 
further we are informed that they are making a fort some 60 miles above this 
place, up in the woods. 

Pray sir, be pleased to present my humble service to vonr lady, and aU the rest 
of vour foioily. I make no question but the enemy will make an attempt within 
a short time upon these towns. Having nothing else worthy of your reading, I 
remain sir, 

Your most humble and ready servant, 


* Soon after, there was a mmor that Philip with 400 men was to £dl upon 
Norwich, Oct. 15, and soldiers were ordered to that place. Men were strange^ 
deluded respecting Philip. 

tCapt. Api)leton reckoned the distance from Spring[field to Hadley, " near 30 
miles. In judging of distances in the woods, tne miles of most men were too 

Capt. Appleton, in his letter of Oct. 12, trusted that by the prayers of Gtod's 
p^ple, " our Israel may in his time, prevail against this cursed Amalek ; against 
whom I believe the Lord will have war forever, until he have destroyed him." 

tCowas was the Indian name of a pine tree, and there were several pine 
regions, or Cowassets, near Connecticut River. The one here mentioned may 
have been in the present town of Vernon, Vermont, or a little above. 


Capt. Mosely wrote on the margin of this letter : — " This 
aforesaid Indian was ordered to be toume in peeces by dogs, 
2Uid shee was so dealt withall." 

Here is a short record of a most cruel and barbarous deed — 
•* ordered" too by the English, and done within the good old 
county of Hampshire, on the lovely border of the Connecticut, 
among civilized and Christian people. 

The squaw, whose story Capt. Appleton derived from Major 
Pynchon's letter, is unquestionably the same that is noticed 
by Capt. Mosely. When, where, and by whose order, this 
savage and brutal act was performed, we are left to conjecture. 
Her crime is not mentioned. 

War is always horrid ; and deeds unusually atrocious done 
by one party, too often provoke the other to acts equalljr 
outrageous. The excessive cruelty and atrocity of the Indi- 
ans, their burnings, massacres and tortures, exasperated the 
English and sometimes led Christian men to act like merciless 

On Tuesday, the 19th of October, tlie onset which had been 
apprehended, fell upon Hatfield. No letters relative to this 
attack have been preserved. The following account is from 

''The enemj growing very confidont by the late successes, came with all their 
fbrythe 19th of October upon Hatfield, hoping no less than to do the like mis- 
dnef to them, the^ had newly done to Spnngncld : But according to the good 
providence of Almiehty God, Siajor Treat was newl^ returned to North-Hampton, 
^tain Mosely and Captain Poole were thcn^arrisoning the said Hatfield, and 
C^. Appleton for the Ukc end quartering at Hadley, when on a sudden 7 or 800 
^ the enemy came upon the town in all quarters, having first killed or taken two 
2 three of the scouts belonging to the town, and seven more belonging to Capt. 
■Wely's company : But they were so well entertained on all hands wnere they 
attempted to break in upon the town, that they found it too hot for them. M^'or 
^leton with great courage defending one end of the town, and Capt. Mosely 
tt stoutly maintaining the middle, and Captain Poole the other end ; that they 
^^ by the resolution of the English instantly beaten off, without doing much 
Wl Capt. Appleton 's Serjeant was mortally wounded just by his side, anotiber 
^et passing tlu'ough his own hair, by that whisper telling him that deAth was 
Toy near, but did him no other harm. Night coming on, it could not be discerned 
^bit loss the enemy sustained, divers were seen to mil, some run through a small 
n^cr, others cast their guns into the water, it being their manner to venture as 
orach to recover the de£^ bodies of their friends, as to defend them when alive. 

At last after the burning of some few bams, with some other buildings, the 
eoeonr hasted away as fast as they came on, leaving the English to bless God 
who had so mercifully delivered them from the fury of their merciless foes.'' 

The Letters from a Merchant of Boston to his friend in 
London, give more particulars of the loss of the scouts. The 

* A man in Windsor, in a letter to Boston, Oct. 21, 1G75, expressed an opinion, 
fbat *' if an Indian worthy of death, were baited by our fierest dogs, it would be 
I texTor !" He may have supposed that the dog^ would thus be excited to hunt 
aod attack Indians. He made no allusion to any such baiting in Hampshire 


Indians made great fires north of Hatfield, to attract the 
English, and then came and lay in the bushes by the way-side, 
about two miles from the village. About noon, ten horsemen 
were sent out to scout, and as they were passing the Indians 
in ambush, nine were shot down and one escaped to Hatfield.* 
The Indians came in, and attempted to bum the village, 
about four o'clock. 

The great body of the Indians withdrew from this part of 
the country after their defeat at Hatfield, Oct. 19. A few 
straggling Indians remained and did some mischief. They 
burnt four or five houses and two or three bams in North- 
ampton, in the outskirts of the town, the latter part of Octo- 
ber ; and soon after, on the 29th of the same month, they 
killed Joseph Baker, his son Joseph, and Thomas Salmon 
who were at work in a meadow.t The Indians intended to 
burn Northampton mill, but it was too well guarded. On 
the 27th of October, the Indians killed three Springfield men, 
in Westfield, viz., John Dumbleton, Jr., who went to the 
Westfield mill, and William Brooks, Jr. and John Brooks, 
who went to Westfield to look for iron ore ; they also burnt 
two houses and one barn in Westfield. 

On the 30th of October at night, messengei-s from Hatfield 
informed Capt. Appleton that many tracks of Indians had 
been discovered, and that their cattle came running violently 
into town. He went over, and on the first of November, 
" went about 10 or 12 miles into the woods, searching the 
chestnut mountains, where the enemy was thought to be, but 
found him not." On the 4th of November, Capt. Appleton 
and Major Treat ranged the woods towards Deerfieid, but 
discovered no Indians. The next day, they searched the 
woods about Northampton, and found no enemy. The Indi- 
ans had almost taken a man and boy in Northampton meadow. 

* It was supposed for some months, that the nine missing scouts were all slain, 
but two of them were taken towards Albany, and were redeemed by some gentle- 
men at Albany, and arrived at New York, Feb. 25, 167C. They related that nine 
scouts [thev had forgotten one] were sent out from Hatiield and that in passing 
a swamp, the Indians who lay hid, killed five, and took three, and one escapef 
The Indians afterwards killed one of the tliree, having cut a hole below lus 
stomach and pulled out his bowels. One of the two belonged to Boston.— [Letter 
firom New York in the Connecticut Archives.] 

Mr. Russell's list contains the names of ten persons slain at Hatfield on the 
19th of October, viz., Frecgrace Norton, Capt. Appleton's sergeant, who was 
mortally wounded in the figiit and died at the house of Lieut. Samuel Smith in 
Hadley soon after; and nine scouts, viz., Thomas Meekins, Jr. of Hatfield, 
Nathaniel Collins, servant of Thomas Meekins ; Richard Stone, Samuel Clarke, 
John Pocock, Thomas Warner, Abram Quiddington, William Olverton, John 
Petts. The two taken and not slain are included. 

t John Roberts, a wounded soldier, died in Northampton, soon after the Bakers 
and Salmon were killed, and Mr. Russell places him with them. 


Captain Appleton, finding that some people had deserted 
these towns, and that others talked of leaving them, issued 
his proclamation from his head-quarters at Hadley, Nov. 12, 
1675, to the inhabitants of Springfield, Westfield, Northamp- 
ton, Hadley and Hatfield, ordering "that no person shall 
remove firom or desert any of these towns, so long as forces 
are continued here for their defence, without liberty under 
the hand of the commander in chief; nor shall any go out of 
the towns without a pass under the hand of the commander 
in chief.'* 

Major Treat and the Connecticut troops went homeward 
Nov. 19, and Capt. Appleton departed four or five days after. 
Many of the soloiers from both colonies were dragoons with 
long arms, and their horses were kept in the Hampshire 
towns. Capt. Appleton left a small garrison in each of the 
five Hampdiire towns, viz., 39 men at Springfield, to be 
commanded by Maj. Pynchon ; 29 at Westfield, under Capt. 
Aaron Cooke ; 26 at Northampton, under Lieut. William 
Clarke ; 30 at Hadley, under Capt. Jonathan Poole ; and 36 
at Hatfield, under Lieut. William Allis. He appointed a 
Council of War for the security of these three towns, consist- 
ing of the commission oflicers of Northampton, Hadley and 
Hatfield, Lieut. David Wilton of Northampton, Deac. Peter 
Tilton of Hadley, and Serg. Isaac Graves of Hatfield ; Capt. 
Jonathan Poole to be President of the said Council. 

Capt. Appleton was a brave and active officer, but he was 
beset with aiflSculties. 

Almost all the force of the enemy was directed against this 

county from Sept. 1 to Oct. 19. The villages were all open 

to attacks, no palisade having been erected around any of 

them. The buildings called garrison liouses were f)xxt slightly 

fiMtified. The soldiers were unused to war, and their trainings 

tod European military exercises were of little avail in Iiidian 

ivarfare. It is not marvellous that the Indians did so much 

damage. The number of men slain in Hampshire county in 

1676, according to Mr. Russell's report, was 145. Of these, 

about 43 or 44 were inhabitants of the county, and above 100 

were from other towns in the colony. Men from most of the 

towns in Massachusetts, moistened the soil of Hampshire with 

tiieir blood. More English than Indians were killed in 1675. 

Only one English female was slain in Hampshire, and no child, 

in that year. The 145* men were slain at the following times 

and places : — 

* Coffin's History of Newbnry has all the names that Mr. RusseU gives. Some 
of tbem differ a little from those on the preceding pages. 


At Brookfield, August 2, 13 At Northampton, Sept 28, 9 

Above Hatfield, '* 25, 9 At Springfield, Oct 5, 4 

At Deerficld, Sept 1 and after, 2 At Hatfield, " 19, 10 

At Northfield, " 2, 8 At Westfield, " 27, 3 

Near Northfield, " 4, 16 At Northampton, " 29, 4 

At Muddy Brook, " 18, 71 

AndofCaptMoscly^sCo. " 18, 3 145 

Mr. Russell's list includes three that were captives, and not slun, but dote not 
include the woman slain at Springfield. 

At the end of Mr. Russell's return of the slain, ho added the following venet 
from the 2d chapter of Joel : — 

" Blow the trumpet in Zion, sanctify a fast, call a solemn assembly, either tbo 
people, sanctifv the congregation, assemble the elders, gather the children ai»d 
those that suck the breasts. Let the priests, the ministers of the Lord, weep 
between the porch and the altar, and let them say, spare thy people, O Lord, ana 
^ve not thv heritage to reproach, that the heathen should rule over them. 
Wherefore should they say among the people, where is their God 7 Then will 
the Lord be jealous for his laud ami pity nis people." 

Not a little of the destruction upon Connecticut River was 
the work of the Deerfield, Hadley and Northampton, and 
Springfield Indians. These tribes may have had near 150 
fighting men, and perhaps some of the Waranokes, or West- 
field Indians, were with them. The manuscript accounts and 
printed histories of this war, are silent respecting the conduct 
and fate of the Waranoke Indians. It is not known that 
Westfield was injured by them. That village, though appa- 
rently much exposed to attack, was not assailed by any con- 
siderable body of Indians. Tlie damage which they received 
was from small parties. It may be conjectured that some of 
the Waranokes joined the Springfield Indians, and it is 
believed that a number of them removed, after the commence- 
ment of the war, to the vicinity of Hudson's River. 

The Indian warriors in and about Hampshire county, were 
not more than six hundred at any time, and most of them 
were Nipmtcks. The war was commenced by Philip's young 
men, but in this county, it was not Philip's war ; it was the 
Nipmuck war. 

The people of Hampshire generally passed a quiet but 
rather gloomy vnnter. The thoughts of the past and the 
apprehensions for the future, gave them heavy hearts. They 
however escaped the sufferings and afflictions of other parts of 
New England, occasioned by the Narraganset war, undertaken 
in the midst of winter. In December and most of January, 
the cold was severe and the snow deep. In January, the 
snow was "mid-thigh deep," north of Brookfield.* There 
seems to have been no direct communication between the 
Hampshire towns and Boston during the winter. The deep 

* James Quannapohit's Relation.— There was a great thaw the latter part of 


snow, the destruction of Brookfield, and especially the fear of 
Indians, stopped all traveling in that direction. Sergeant 
John A]rres no longer remained to greet the weary traveler at 
his rustic but comfortable ordinary, on the hill in Brookfield. 
Hartford had intercourse with Boston through the Narraganset 
country, where the troops were. 

Tnough some families had removed, most of the dwelling- 
houses were crowded in all those villages. Many houses had 
been destroyed besides those at Springheld. Every town had 
to entertain soldiers, and the upper villages had families from 
Deerfield, Northfield and BrooRfield. The people of Hamp- 
shire were able to supply all with food. 


IndUn war of 1675 and 1676— chieflj 1676 — Fortifications — Indians in the 
innter — Wax with the Narragansets — ^Destniction of Lancaster — Mrs. Row- 
landson taken — ^Troops march to Miller's River and thence to Hadley — North- 
ampton assaulted — Ambuscade near Longmeadow — ^Three men slain at Hock- 
anum — Scheme to bring the five Hampshire towns into two— The Falls fight, 
ibore Deerfield — ^Attack on Hatfield — Major Talcott arrives from Norwich and 
Qoabang — Hadlej assaulted — Expedition of M^or Talcott and Capt Hench- 
nan up the river-^Indians flee to the Housatonnuc and are defeated by 
Mi^or Talcott — ^War supposed to be at an end — Persons killed and captured at 
Hatfield and Deerfield in 1677 — ^Recovery of the captives. 

Fortifications. — ^In the latter part of autumn and in the 
enwiinff winter, the people of Hampshire constructed about 
ftdr plantations, a palisade or palisado. It consisted of rows 
d pales, stakes or posts about ten feet in length, having two 
feet in the ground and eight feet above the ground.* These 
potto were made by splitting sticks of timber into two or 
more pieces, and hewing off the edges of the cleft-pieces so that 
00 purt should be less than two or three inches in thickness. 
Thaae were set close together in the earth, and were probably 
festened to a piece of wood near the top. Many of the rails 

'Such were the directions of the town of Hadley when the east side fortifica- 
lion was rebuilt, in 1679. PoHsibly the palisades of 1676 were not of the same 
heig;bt. Hubbard says the cleft wood of the palisades was about ei^i^ht feet long ; 
waning, I suppose, the part al)Ovu the surface of the earth. There was some- 
^ing called a oreast-work in Hadley in 1676 and 1677, and men were to main- 
in the said breast-work "five feet and a half in height, with the pales or out- 

vrkf thereto." Flankers are mentioned in 1078. 


of fences were used for palisades. These fortifications which 
would have been a very inadequate defense against an attack 
by Europeans, were a sufficient barrier against the assaults of 
the Indians. Hubbard says, *' although they did in the spring 
break through the palisades at Northampton, yet as soon as 
they began to be repulsed, they saw themselves like wolves 
in a pound, that they could not fly away at their pleasure, so 
as they never adventured to break through afterward upon * 
any of tlie towns so secured." 

The first vote of Hadley as a town, relating to the fortifica- 
tion, was on the 11th of February, 1676. It was not then 
completed. It was a palisade fence crossing the homelots, in 
the rear of the buildings, on both sides of the street and 
crossing tlie street some rods from each end. The two sides 
of the palisade were each almost a mile in length and the two 
ends near forty rods each. There were strong gates at the 
ends, and at the highways on the sides. There was little 
danger of an attack on the western or meadow side of the 
street, and the fortification on that side was not so strongly 
made as the other. Men might not make outlets for them- 
selves or cattle through the palisade. Each man, in order to 
get upon his own homelot, was under the necessity of ffoing 
round through a gate, and then crossing other lots till he 
came to his own, or passing round still farther, to the rear of 
his lot. — Four or five houses at the north end, on the street 
running north-easterly, were not included in the fortification ; 
and also apparently the house belonging to John Russell, 
senior, at the south end on the east side. 

The town was divided into three or four " squadrons,'* in 
reference to the military watch and other matters. Each 
squadron had one or two i^ommanders. There was also a 
fortification committee. 

Feb. 11, 1676. The town voted that the passage to Port 
Meadow and that to the corn-mill should be cleared of all 
brush and bushes, that passing to each place might be as 
secure as possible. All were to work according to their heads 
and estates. They also voted that every houselot should be 
cleared of all brush and bushes which might harbor an enemy, 
by the 19th instant. 

A large body of the Indians wintered near Ware River, 
north of Brookfield ; others on the west side of the Connecti- 
cut, above Northfield, and some, including Philip, in the 
vicinity of Hoosac River, north-east of Albany. A few may 
have retired to the Narragauset country. 

Philip and Sancumachu and some of their Indians, were 
northerly of Albany in December. Gov. Andros wrote from 


New York to Connecticut, Jan. 6, 1676, that Philip and 4 or 
500 north Indians* were come within 40 or 50 miles of 
Albany, northerly. The Council of Connecticut desired Gov. 
Andros to stir up the Mohawks against these Indians ; and to 
restrain the Dutch, who sold arms and ammunition to the 
enemy .t Gov. Andros made an uncourteous reply, Jan. 20, 
suggesting that they wished to involve him in a war with this 
** bloody crew." 

James Quannapohit,|: a Christian Natick Indian, who was 
sent forth as a spy, with another named Job, arrived at 
Wenimesset or Menimesset, north of Brookfield, January 4, 
1676, where he found, as he judged, about 300 Nipmuck 
fighting-men, and twice as many women and children. He 
was there informed that Philip was within half a day's jour- 
ney of Albany ; that the Springfield, Hadley and Northampton 
Indians had their winter quarters, some at Squakeag, and 
some with Sancumachu towards Albany, this side of Philip. 

Philip and the other Indians left tlieir winter quailiers near 
the end of February, and returned to Connecticut River. 
Mrs. Rowlandson, on the 9th of March, 1676, crossed the river 
acme miles above Northfield, and found on the west side^ 
*• a numerous crew of pagans," and Philip among them. 

War with the Narragausets hi Rhode Island. — The commis- 
noners of the United Colonies, on the 2d of November, 1675, 
determined to carry on a war against the Narragansets, and 
agreed that a thousand men should be raised, viz., in Massa- 
chusetts, 527, Plymouth, 158, and Connecticut, 315. This 
Was the proportion of each colony in all this war. 

On Sunday, the 19th of December, when the weather was 
cold and the snow deep, the brave men from the three colo- 
nies took the formidable fort of the Narragansets, and burnt 
hundreds of their Wigwams. But it was a dearly bought 
^ory ; 80 of the English were slain or died of their wounds, 
tod 138 more were wounded. — The Indians fouffht stoutly, 
tod lost some hundreds of men, women and children. The 
confession of Indians, as to their loss, was as usual, a fruitful 
Wurce of exaggeration. — Another thousand men were ordered, 
•nd a largo part of them left Wickford on the 28th of Janu- 

• w. 

'North Indians wore Nipmucks — not half as numerous as represented. It was 
reported that Philip's own Indians wore about one hundred. 

tThe Dutch traders at Albany sold ammunition to the Hudson's River Indians, 
who purchased it for the New England Indians, and the latter in this way, 
obtained a supply. 

t His Relation in the Connecticut Archives, is twice as long as that published 
ill the Mass. Hist. Collections. 

4 This place appears to be the Coassct, before noticed. 



&r^, and pursued the Narragansets north-westerly into the 
Nipmuck country, and killed and took about seventy.* — 
A sudden thawt carried off the snow before this pursuit, and 
the Indians procured ground-nuts for food. 

Gookin, in 1674, estimated the fighting-men of the Narrar 
gansets at one thousand. Ninigret, one of their chiefs, and 
his men, withdrew from the rest, and did not engage in the 
war. The fighting-men of the hostile Narragansets, at the 
close of the winter, may have been 400 or 500. The English 
had in the spring of 1676, more open enemies than at any 
time in 1675, — ^perhaps 1000 men, or more. 

The Nipmucks at Wenimesset informed James Quannapohit 
that they should fall upon Lancaster, Medfield, Groton, Marl- 
borough and Sudbury, and fixed upon the day to attack 
Lancaster. James left them Jan. 20, and on the 24th, his 
Relation was written at Boston. Yet his information was not 
sufficiently heeded, and these places were all attacked and 
almost destroyed by the Indians. These assaults were made 
when Philip«was far distant, except the last. 

On the 10th of February, the Nipmucks from Wenimesset, 
aided by some Narragansets lately come to them, assaulted 
Lancaster, killed or captured about 42 persons, and burnt 
most of the buildings. The place was abandoned by the 
English, in a few weeks. Mrs. Kowlandson,t the wife of the 
minister, and her children, were among the captives. The 
number of Indians in this expedition, according to Job, one of 
the Indian spies, who left Wenimesset after they set out for 
Lancaster, was about 400.^ 

On the 8th of February, the Commissioners of the United 
Colonies ordered 600 dragoons, or troopers with long fire- 
anus, to be raised ; to rendezvous at Quabaug.|| The dragoons 
of Massachusetts, under Major Thomafi Savage of Boston, 
with six Christian Indians, and those of Connecticut under 
Major Treat, united at Quabaug, about the 2d or 3d of 
March ; they marched to Wenimesset, but the Indians had 
information of the expedition and had left the place. The 

* Tnimbnll did not know that Connecticat had in this pursuit, 200 or 300 men 
under Major Treat. 

t Mather represents a Janiiarj' thaw as a very strange event in those days. 

t She published an account of her captivity and sufTerings, after her return, 
which has been read by thousands of every succeeding generation. 

J GookiA, confiding in Job's estimate, savs " about four hundred." Yet this 
number has been strangely increased to 1500 in later times. It has also been 
represented that Philip and his Indians were among them. A pcnisal of Mrs. 
Rowlandson's book should have corrected this error. 

II Plymouth soldiers were needed at home. None came from that colony into 
Hampshire county during the war. 


dragoons pursued those that had gone towards Paquayag, 
and came to Miller's River at Paquayag, on the 6th of March, 
after the Indians had all passed over on rafts, and were 
advancing towards Squakeag. The English did not cross the 
river,* but turned and came to Hadley, where they arrived 
about the 8th of March. 

Major Savage had four companies in Hampshire, under 
Captains Mosely, Whipple, Gillam and Turner. Captain 
Wuliam Tumert came from Marlborough, Feb. 29th, with 
89 foot soldiers. He left 11 men at Quabaug,| March 4th, and 
came to Hadley with 78 men, before Major Savage arrived. 
He was stationed at Northampton. 

The expedition of the Massachusetts and Connecticut 
troops to Wenimesset and Paquayag, drove a body of Indians 
to Squakeag (Northfield,) where they came March 7th, and 
Mrs. Rowlandson with them. They went up the river some 
miles and crossed to the west side, March 9th, where were 
Philip^ and many Indians. Says Mrs. Rowlandson : — " Now 
the Indians gathered their forces to go against Northampton. 
Over night, one went about yelling and hooting to give notice 
of the design. Whereupon they went to boiling ground-nuts, 
and parching com as many as had it, for their provision, and 
in the morning, away they went." They assailed Northamp- 
ton, March 14th, were repulsed and returned without much 
booty. They evidently did not know that there were two or 
three companies of soldiers in the town. 

Extracts from letters i/vritten two days after this attack, by Major Savage and 
Vr. Russell. 

Hadley, March 16, 1675-6. 

Tonrs of the 11th inst I received. X have improved our time since we came 
Ufter in sending forth scouts, but as yet can make no certain discovery of any 
tf the enemy's place of abode. On the Dth inst. they made an assault on some at 
Wcitfield and wounded a%ian ; on the i4th instant about break of the day, the 
CQemv fiercely assaulted Northampton in three places at once, and forced within 
tikir line or palisadoes, and burnt 5 houses and 5 bams, and killed 4 men and 
Me woiiian,|| and wounded 6 men more ; but being beaten off, marched towards 
Hitfield, and were seen in several places about the town in considerable compa- 
niei. I presently sent another Company to strengthen that town. This morning 

* HiB. Bowlandson says, "God did not give them courage or activity to go 
over after as.'* She was not well qualified to judge respecting their movements. 

t"Capt Tomer, by trade a tailor, for his valor has left behind him an honora- 
ble memory." — [Letters from a Boston Merchant.] lie was a Baptist as was Ids 
fieotenant, Edward Drinker, and both had suffered persecution. 

^A garrison was thus re-established at Brookfield. They found or prepared a 
baQdinf for a garrison house. Provisions for these soldiers wore sent trom Marl- 
borough on horses. One man maflaged two horses, and troopers guarded the 
aen and horses. Carts were sent to Lancaster, but not to Brookfield. 

i Philip treated Mrs. Rowlandson civilly, and asked her to smoke and dine. 

I Those killed were Robert Bartlett, Thomas Helton and Mary £arle of 
Nortiuunpton ; and James Mackrannel and Increase Whelstone, soldiers. 


about 2 o'clock we were alarmed again from Northampton which waa occaaioiied 
by some Indians being seen on two sides of the town. The towns both of 
Springfield and Westtield are in very great fear of the enemy as well as those 
here. I humbly propose to your honors, whether this way of following the enemj 
up and down in the woods will best reach your end at this season of the ^ear, in 
which they have no certain fixed station, but can take advantages against as, 
and avoid us when they please. As near as we can gatlier, their aim is at these 
towns on the river, to destroy them, that so they may plant and fish with leas 
molestation. I have not further to add, but to desire the good Lord to be your 
all in all and to subscribe myself, 

Your honors' humble servant, 

[Directed to Hon. John Leverett, Qovcmor, with the Council.] 

Hadley, March 16, 1675-6. 
Bight Worshipful, 

Although the Lord hath granted us an interval of quietness this winter, yet 
since the coming on of the spring, the war here is renewed. On the 14th inst 
the enemy to the number of 2(H)0* as judged, made a most sudden and violent 
irruption upon Northampton, broke their w(»rks in 3 places, and had in reason 
taken the whole town, had not Providence graciously so ordered it, that Maj. 
Treat was come in with his men the evening oefore, yet they burnt five houses, 
and five bams, one within the fortification, slew five persons and wounded ^ve. 
There are said be found slain about a dozen of the enemy.t Above Deerfield a 
few miles is the great place of their fishing which must be expected to afibrd 
them their provisions for the year. We miLst look to feel their utmost rage. My 
desire is, we may l)e willing to do or sufter, to live or die, remain in or be driven 
out from oiu* habitations, as the Lord our God would have us. Capt. Poole who 
hath been left here for the government of the soldiers, doth earnestly entreat for 
liberty to repair to his own verj' much suffering family, at least for a while. 
With prayers to the God of all blessing to guide and strengthen and carry yon 
through this day of temptation, I am, 

Sr YT worp's most oblig«*d serv't, 


[The preceding is only a small part of a long letter to Gov. Leverett] 

In the latter part of February and in March, small parties 
of Indians did mischief in Connecticut, and in the lower part 
of Hampshire county. They wounded William Hills of East 
Hartford, and killed Henry Denslow of Windsor, Edward 
Elmer of East Windsor, and John Kirby, Jr. of Middletown4 
On the night of the 26th of March, they burnt most of the 
buildings in Simsbury, the people having left them. On the 
eveninff of March 30, they burnt the house of Goodman Cole 
in Wallingford. 

On Sunday, the 26th of March, some of the people of 
Longmeadow, men and women with children, ventured to 
ride to Springfield to attend public w^orship, in company 
with several colony troopers. There were 16 or 18 men in 

* 2000 Indian warriors ! strange delusion ! There may have been 3 or 400. 

t The Letters from a Boston Merchant intimate that they carried off their dead. 
Menowniet said the Indians had one killed iftid four wounded. 

t Bancroft's remark, that " not a drop of blood was shed on the happy soil of 
Connecticut" has a few exceptions, and but a few. Besides those slain near 
Connecticut River, Joseph Kockwell and John Reynolds, Jr. of Norwich, were 
iilaiu Jamuiry 28, 1676, and a boy that had been with tliem could not be found. 


ally but some had women behind them, and some had children 
in their arms, and when they were near Pecowsick brook, 
7 or 8 Indians in the bushes fired upon the hindmost and 
killed a man and a maid, wounded others, and took two 
women with their babes, and retired into a swamp.* Those 
forward rode some distance towards Springfield, set down the 
women and maids, and then returned, but could not find the 
two women and children. A letter from Major Savage, dated 
at Hadley, March 28, 1676, gives the following account of 
this affair : — 

On the 26th inst. at night, vre had advice from Springfield that 8 Indians 
iissaalted 16 or 18 men besides women and children as they were going to meet- 
ing from a place they call Longmeadow, and killed a man and a maid, wounded 
8 men, and carried away captive, 2 women and 2 children. In the night, I sent 
oat 16 horse in piu-suit of tiiem, who met with some that were sent from Spring- 
field, and overtook the Indians with the captives, who as soon as they saw the 
£n^]ish, killed the 2 children and sorely wounded the women in the heads with 
their hatchets, and so ran away into a swam]) where they could not follow them. 
The scouts brought' back both the women and the children. One of the women 
remains still senseless by reason of her wounds and the other is very sensible 
and rational. 

The Indians told the women great stories — ^that there were 
3000 Indians at Deerfield, that two Dutchmen had brought 
four bushels of powder, &c. The conduct of the men in this 
onset was much censured. The Council considered it, " as a 
matter of great shame, humbling to us." Hubbard thought 
the matter had been misrepresented. One of the women 

About the same time, Pelatiah Morgan was killed on the 
west side of the river, at Springfield. " On the last snoy»y 
^y" of the winter, probably in March, Moses Cook and a 
garrison soldier named Clement Bates, were killed in West- 
neld. Moses Cook was the only inhabitant of Westfield 
killed during the war. A house and two bams were burnt in 
Westfield in the winter by a few Indians. 

Men killed at Hockanum. — About the first of April, some 
inhabitants of Hadley went to Hockanum, to do some work, 
having a guard of soldiers with them. A party of Indians, 
lying in wait, killed Deac. Richard Goodman and two of the 
soldiers, and took Thomas Reed, another soldier.t Mrs. 
Bowlandson, who was then above Northfield, on the east side 

* Six are said to have been slain or mortally wounded. John Keep, his wifo 
8tnh, and his infant son Jabez, are three of them. The names of the others are 
not in the Springfield record. 

tHobbard says Deac. Goodman went a little beyond the soldiers, to view his 
fence, and two soldiers ventured upon the top of a high hill near by, and were 
ihoi down before they could return to the otiicrs. Men in those days, cUnibed 
Holjoke, to take a view of the country. 


of the river, says : — '' About this time, the Indians came yelp- 
ing from Hadley, having there killed three Englishman, and 
brought one captive, Thomas Reed. They all gathered about 
the poor man, asking him many questions." 

In the spring of 1676, many Indians congregated in the 
vicinity of Mount Wachuset, north-west of Lancaster, where 
the access to them was said to be difficult, and the obstaclsB 
in the way of assailants formidable. For these or other 
reasons, the English never attacked their Wachuset holds. 
On the first of April, the Council at Boston directed Major 
Savage to leave men under Capt. Turner to assist the Hamp- 
shire towns, and to return homewards with the rest. He lefk 
Hadley* on 'the 6th or 7th of April, with four compauiea 
under Captains Mosely, Whipple, and Gillam, and Lieut. 
Drinker. The Council at Boston had desired him, March 20, 
to visit the Wachuset quarter on his return, but when the 
troops reached Brookfield, a council was held, and a majority 
decided not to attack the Nipmucks about Wachuset. 

Major Savage left with Capt. Turner, 151 men, who were 
at the following places on the 7th of April, viz., at Hadley, 51, 
Northampton, 46, Hatfield, 45, and 9 had been sent to Sprinjr- 
field. There were other soldiers at Springfield and Westfielo. 
Many of the men left by Capt. Appleton, in the preceding 
November, were still in the Hampsnire towns. The Connec- 
ticut forces returned home two weeks or more before Maj. 
Savage departed. The troops were not sufficient to garrison 
the towns and go against the Indians up the river, and the 
latter were not molested until the 19th of May. When the 
fishing season arrived, they came down and established them- 
selves about the falls, above Deerfield ; and they planted com 
at Squakeag, and even at Deerfield, without being disturbed. 
Philip left Connecticut River at or above Squakeag, not &r 
from the 10th or 12th of April, and arrived at Wachuset about 
the 17th of April. He was in the same company with Mrs. 
Rowlandson, some of the way. He never again came to 
Connecticut River. The river Indians, and some Nipmucks 
and Narragansets remained. 

The Nipmucks and others about Wachuset, issuing thence, 
assaulted many places which were not assailed the preceding 
year. A large number of the Narragansets, who had been 

* Mr. Samnel Nowel, the minister of the armv, wrote to Major Gookin fnm 
Hadley, that a Hadley man, with whom the sik Cniistian Indian guides quartered, 
allowed them pork and peas enough, but made them pay for tueir bread. Mr. 
Nowel interfered, and bread was allowed. This Hadley man is not named. 
These Christian Indians, though true and faithful, were insulted and abused in 
some places. All Indians were suspected and hated by many. 


parsued into the Nipmuck country, turned back, and the 
colonies of Plymouth and Rhode Island felt their fury. The 
extension of the war in February and March, far beyond its 
limits in 1675, the destruction of one town after another, and 
the difficulty of makinff any successful inroad upon the Indi- 
ans, made the duties of the government and of the council of 
vrar extremely arduous and embarrassing, and some stout 
hearts were appalled, for a time. 

Plan of deserting three Hampshire towns. — The Council 
formed an injudicious scheme for the protection and security 
of the people in Hampshire. In a letter to Major Savage, 
March 20, they urged the necessity of bringing the people of 
the five towns into two places. " The lesser towns, they say, 
must gather to the greater ones."* ** Some that know those 

S laces best, do apprehend that Springfield and Hadley are the 
ttest places for fortifying and planting." "To remain in 
such a scattered state is to expose lives and estates to the 
merciless cruelty of the enemy." They wrote to Major Pyn- 
chon the same day, assuring him there was no other way but 
for all Springfield and Westfield to come together; "it is 
impossible to hold both towns." " The like advice we have 
pven to the other towns, to come in all to Hadley, and fortify 
it well, and then by united strength, it may be kept, but 
oiherwise all will be lost." 

The people of Northampton determined to remain in their 
own town, and boldy meet the dangers which menaced them. 
In a letter to the Council, March 28, they say 

"We dare not entertain any thoag^ht of deserting^ this plantation. The Lord 
^ wondcrfiilly appeared of late for our preservAtion, and we fear it would be 
pleasing nnto mm, if wo should give up into the hands of our enemies, that 
vluk the Lord so eminentiy delivered out of their hands. If we should desert a 
tovn of such considerable strengfth, it may so animato the enemy, and discourage 
otiier plantations, as may prove no small nrejudice unto the country. Besi^s 
^^fn seems to ub a great necessity for holding this place, for the relief of those 
Akms that may be improved in following the enemy. There can be no prose- 
cuting of the war in these parts to advanti^, unless this and the two neighboring 
towns be maintained." 

They suggest that Springfield is not the most convenient 

Elace for others to repair to. "The bulk of the town is 
amt, most of their land lies remote ; they are incapable we 
fear either to maintain themselves or others." If the Council 
will allow Northampton 50 soldiers, besides those they had, 
the town will feed them and pay their wages. This paper is 
in the hand-writing of Mr. Stoddard, and is signed by 

'They were not i^^prised that this direction would carry Hadley over to 


Solomon Stoddard, John Strong, William Clarke, David 
Wilton, John Lyman and John King. 

The people of Westfield were decidedly and resolutely 
against a removal to Springfield, and manifested a disposition 
to go to Connecticut, if they must remove. They believed 
that Westfield was more secure from the Indians than Sjpring- 
field, and much better for husbandry. A few extracts follow 
from a letter to the Council, dated April 3d, written by Rev. 
Edward Taylor, and signed by Isaac Phelps, David Ashley 
and Josiah Dewey. 

" Springfield on the east side has bnt few habitations left. Those on the weit 
side are scattered about a mile up and down, some of which are hid with bram- 
bles. Most of its tilla^ ground is a great distance from the town, and not clear 
from brush ; the danger of field employments is double to what ours is. Springs 
field hath been sorely under the blasting hand of God ; it hath but in a lower 
degree than ordinary answered the labor of the husbandman. — To remove firom 
haoitations to none, from fortifications to none, from a compact place to a scat- 
tered one, from a place of less danger in the field to one of more, from a place 
under the ordinary blessing upon our labors to one usually blasted, seems to ns 
such a strange thing that wc find not a man amongst us inclining thereto." 

Mr. Russell, for himself and others, corresponded with the 
Council of Connecticut respecting the war, and in regard 
to drawing the three upper towns into one. The Council, 
April 27, gave to him many reasons why the Hampshire 
towns should not be deserted ; and they wrote the same day 
to the Governor and Council of Massachusetts, giving similar 
reasons. They considered the towns up the river as " the 
principal granary" of Massachusetts.* 

On the 2Sth of March, the Connecticut Council wrote a 
letter to the Indian sachems up the river, desiring an exchange 
of captives, and informing them that if they wished to treat, 
a messenger might come and return safely. A messenger 
came from the sachems with a writing about the first of May, 
and the Council sent back a writing, offering to give money 
for English captives and proposing a meeting at Hadley 
within 8 days, to treat of peace. No reply was received from 
the sachems.t 

Extracts of a letter from Capt. William Turner to the Council of Mass., dated 
Hadley, April 25, 1676 : 

" The soldiers here are in great distress for want of dothin^^, both linen and 
woolen. S(»me has been brought from Quabaug, but not an eighth of what we 
want. I beseech your honors Siat my wife may have my wages due, to supply 
the wants of my family. I should be glad if some better person might be found 
for this employment, for my weakness of body and often infirmities Mrill hardly 

•After April, I find nothing written about bringing the towns together — ^Hat- 
field was doubtless opposed, but no record remains. 

t These chiefis were Sucquance, a Narraganset sachem ; Weqnaquat, a Springw 
field sachem; 8ungumachoe, [Sancumiu^hu,] the Hadley and Northampton 
sachem; and Wanchequit. They were at Suckquackhcag [Squakeag.] 


•ofliBr me to do my duty as I oiurht ; and it would ffrieve me to neglect any thing 
that ought be for the c^ood of tne country in this day of their distress.* I have 
■ent VitB of my soldiers at Boston and at Marlborough, and those left in 
these three towns on the 7th instt Hoping your honors will send a speedy 
Bupply for the soldiers, and order something tor my family, I shall beg the Lord 
to be your counsellor and guide, and remain your honors' to the utmost of my 


There is come into Hadlcy a young man taken from Springfield at the beg^- 
ning of last month, who informs that the enemy is drawing up all their forces 
towards these towns, and their head-quarters are at Deerfield."'t 

On the 27th of April, Capt. Samuel Holyoke and a few 
men from Springfield, shot at four Indians near the river. 
Two died in the river, as they supposed, and one was taken, 
who died of his wounds. He said the Indians had 1000 fight- 
ing-men up the river, and three forts this side of Squakeag. 

A letter dated Hadley, April 29, 1676, to the Governor and 
Council of Mass. written by Rev. John Russell, and signed by 
him, Capt. William Turner and some others' of Hadley, North- 
ampton and Hatfield, (probably committees of militia) noticed 
the rising spirit of the people. 

** It is Strang to seo how much spirit, (more than formerly,) appears in our 
men to he out against the enemy. A ^at part of the inhabitants here, would 
our committees of militia but permit, woula be going forth. They are daily 
ttonng for it, and would fain nave liberty to be going forth this night. The 
owmy is now come so near us that we count we might go forth in the evening 
and come upon them in the darkness of the same nignt." [The going forth was 
tkne weeks later.] 

Extracts of a Letter from Rev. John Russell, to the Secretary and Council of 

Hadley, May 15, 1676. 
Honored Sir, 

Toors of May 5th I received on the 14th. The general ynsitation by sickness} 
^'loeh you wrote of hath passed uuto us also, most of our people being sorely 
^jodsed therewith: yet hath the Lord hitherto graciously spared lives; and 
'vowise granted abatement of the violence of the disease unto most within three 
<*fciir days after the first paroxysm. On Saturday last in the evening came in 
iMse of our messengers from Boston, signifying the Lord's mercy to us in grant- 
^ a quiet Election in this troublous time. On the Election day, May 3d, 

*Here was a true patriot. Some of the rulers of the countrv which he served 
■0 fiuthfnlly, had persecuted and imprisoned him. His wife, Mary Turner, in a 
petition to the Council, for some of nis ]>ay, says her husband voluntarily and 
otely offered himself, and was then in tht? service of the country, with his son 
and servants. The Council granted to her £7, April 24. William Turner, Jr. 
was a soldier at Hadley. 

t These lists of soldiers sent down by Capt. Turner, are now in the Archives of 

tThis youne man was John Gilbert, af ed 18, son of Thomas Gilbert of Springy 
field, deceased. Mrs. Rowlandson found him above Northfield, sick and turned 
mt into the cold. She befriended him and got him to a fire. Ho escaped from 
be Indians. 

) Mather says that in April and May, " sore niid (doubtless) malignant colds 
wailed evenr where." He could not hear of a family in New England that 
Mlly esoap<hI the distemper. Maitv died. 



Mr. Hoar brought in Mrs. Rowlandson to Boston.* Mr. Hoar brought with 1dm 
a letter snbscnbed by Philip, the old queen and sundry Sachems, containing a 
desire of peace, or rather an overture for a cessation, if they mi|^ht quietly puuit 
at Mendon, Groton, Qnabauj^, &^ on which the court called m the Elders to 
advisct By ship from England our information is that the sufferins^ of Non- 
conformists are increased, and the aspect of times more threatening thian of late 
years. There hath been an engagement in the Strait between the French fleet 
and 40 Dutch shins. The Frencn though much exceeding in number were yet 
much worsted ana broken ; many shins taken, 6000 men slain. Peace, so mnch 
talked of between the French king ana the Emperor with the confederatea oomei 
to nothing4 

This morning about sunrise came into Hatfield one Thomas Beede$ a soldier 
who was taken captive when Deacon Goodman was slain. He relates that thej 
are now planting at Deerfield and have been so these three or foiur days or moTD 
— saith further that they dwell at the Falls on both sides the river — are a oonaid^ 
erable number, yet most of them old men and women. He cannot judge that 
there arc on both sides of the river above 60 or 70 fighting-men. They are secure 
and scornful, boasting of great things they have done and will do. There is 
Thomas Eames his daughter and chiki hardly used ; one or two belonging to 
Medfield and I think two children belonging to Lancaster. The nig^t boore 
last they came down to Hatfield upper meadow, and have driven away many 
horses and cattle, to the number of tour score and upwards as they jndge. Many 
of these this man saw yfi Deerfield meadow, and found the bars put up to keep 
them in. This being the state of things, we think the Lord calls ns to mske 
some trial what may oe done aigainst them suddenly, without further delay; anfl 
therefore the concurring resolution of men hero seems to be to go oat affsinat 
them to-morrow at night so as to be with them, the Lord assisting, before iiresk 
of day. We need giiidanee and help from heaven. We humbly b^ yoor 'pajeOt 
advice, and help if it may be. And therewith committing you to the guidsiios 
and blessing of the most High, Remain 

Your worship's in all humble service, 


Altho' this man speaks of their number as he judgeth yet they may be many 
more, for we perceive their number varies, and they are going and coming, SQ 
that there is no trust to his guess. 

Superscription. WnXIAM TURNER. 

" These for the worshipful John Allyn, Esq. JOHN LYMAN. 

Secretary, to be communicated to the Council ISAAC GRAVES. 
at Connecticut.'' 

The Falls Fight. 

After information was obtained from Thomas ReecU who 
escaped from the Indians about the middle of May, the mea 
of Hampshire and the soldiers abiding with them, determined 

*Mr8. Rowlandson and the party of Indians with whom she Uved, left a 
'* Thicket" above Xorthtield, not far from the 9th or 1 0th of April, and reacM 
Wachnsct about the 17th of Anril. Mr. Hoar came to ransom ner April 30, and 
she left the Indians Mav 2. Poilip seems not to have been a great distance from 
her when she was in tW Thicket ; and he was in the same company with her 
when she came in sight of Wachuset. 

t Their advice is in Mr. Russell's letter, but is not copied here. 

i News from Europe was disseminated through the country verbally, and faj 
letters, before new8])apers were printed. In this case, it was sent from Boston 
to Hadley, and from Hadley to Hartford. 

$ It is manifest from Reed's account, that the Indians were not very nnmercNis 
about the falls. He appears not to refer to those who were at., some distmee 
above and below the falls. Tlie Indian story about 1000 fightin^^en deienm 
not a moment's attention. 


to assail the Indians at the falls* above Deerfield, with what 
strength they could raise among themselves. This expedition 
was a voluntary effort of the people and troops residing in 
these towns. About 150 or 160 mounted men from Spring- 
field, Westfield, Northampton, Hadley and Hatfield, assembled 
at Hatfield, May 18, under Capt. William Turner as commander 
and Capt. Samuel Holyoke of Springfield, and Ensign John 
Lyman of Northampton. Hadley had two sergeants, John 
Dickinson and Joseph Kellogg. Rev. Hope Atherton of 
Hatfield accompanied the troops. Benjamin Wait and Expe- 
rience Hinsdale were guides. JPerhaps about half were inhab- 
itants of these towns ; the others were soldiers from eastern 
towns, stationed in Hampshire. They commenced their march 
from Hatfield to the falls, about twenty miles, in the evening 
of Thursday, the 18tht of May. They crossed Deerfield and 
Green Rivers, and halted a little west of Fall River, about 
half a mile from the Indian camp at the head of the falls, and 
left their horses, under a small guard. They then crossed 
Fall River, climbed up an abnipt hill, and came upon the 
back of the camp, about day-break. 

*' They found the Indians all asleci), without having any scouts abroad, so that 
onr soldiers came and pat their guns into their wigwams, before the Indians were 
nnre of them, and did make a great and notable slaughter among them." 
''Some got out of the wigrwams and foueht, and killed one of the English ; others 
£d enter the river to swim over from the English, but many were shot dead in 
ttM waters, others wounded were tlicrcin drowned, many got into canoes to 
piddle away, but the paddlcrs being shot, the canoes overset with all therein ; 
•nd the stream being violent and swift near the falls, most that fell overboard 
^^ve carried upon tiie falls. " Others of them creeping for shelter under the 
Wnks of the ereat river, were espied by our men and killed with their swords. 
Captain Holyoke killing five, young and old, with his own hands."t 

Th6 expedition had a calamitous issue. There were Indians 
o& the opposite bank of the river, and at Smead's Island, 
below the falls. These crossed the river, and assailed the 
troops on the left and in the rear, after they had mounted 
their horses and begun their march. Capt. Holyoke covered 
tbe rear manfully, but ''an English captive lad, who was 
£mnd in the wigwams, spake as u Philip was coming with a 

• * These £iJls, now called Turner's Falls, are about three miles above Greenfield 
village, and are between Gill and Montague. Before a dam was built at the 
Idk, this was one of the most favorable fishing stations on the Connecticut. 
Bttjtj in his Antiquarian Researches, describes the falls, and gives a detailed 
aeeooiit of the fight at the falls and on the return. 

fit has generally been represented that thoy marched on the evening of the 
ITtfa of May, and fought on the morning of the 18th. These dates are erroneous. 
The town records of Northampton and Hatfield both show that the persons from 
Aase towns who fell, were slain on the 19th of May. The narratives of Rev. 
Hope Atberton and Jonathan Wells indicate that the fighting was on the 19th. 

lExtncts from Mather, a Merchant of Boston, and Hubbard. 


thousand Indians, which false report being famed among the 
soldiers, a panic terror fell upon many of them, and they 
hasted homewards in a confused rout."* They separated iato 
several parties, and some of these were cut on. Captain 
Turner had skill and courage, but he was enfeebled by sick- 
ness, and had not bodily strength to act with his accustomed 
energy. He was shot as he passed tlurough Green River, and 
his body was afterwards found a small distance from the river ; 
he had been shot through the thigh and back. Capt. Holyoke 
conducted the retreat of a part of the troops to Hatfield, 
being followed by the Indians to the south end of Deerfield 
Meadow. Thirty-eight of the English were slain,t and all 
but one after they left the falls. A number were wounded. 
In June, scouts found places where they supposed the Indians 
tortured and burnt some of the captured men. 

A few of the men wandered about two or three dajrs. The 
fighting was on Friday. Jonathan Wells, of Hadley, was 
wounded, and after much suffering and several narrow escapes, 
reached Hatfield on Sunday. Rev. Hope Atherton, of Hat- 
field, after roving here and there, and, as he savs, '^ subsisting 
the space of three days and part of another, without ordinary 

* Tho complaint of Martha Harrison, which was substantiated by testinKmy 
before the Commissioners of Hadley, June 22, 1676, exhibits some incidents <n 
this disorderly flight. 

Martha Harrison of Hadley, widow, makes complaint against John Belcher of 
Braintrce, a soldier in Capt. Turner's company, for being the culpable occaaion 
of the death of her husband, Isaac Harrison, a wounded man, riding upon his 
own horse, who fell from his horse, being faint, and this John Belcher, who was 
behind him, rode from him with Harrison's horse, though he entreated him not 
to leave him, but for God's sake to let him ride with him. 

Stephen Belden of Hatfield, testified that he, riding behind Jonathan Wells, 
saw Isaac Harrison on the ground rising up, and heard him call to the man on 
his horse, 3 or 4 rods before, to take him up, saving he could ride now ; the man 
rode awa^, and both Jonathan Wells and I called him to go back, and he wonld 
not. This was when wo were returning from the fight at uie falls. 

There is no record of Belcher's being punished.— -Many had lost their horses.— 
Mather says the soldiers were more numerous than the Indians that pursued them. 

tOf those slain, about one-third belonged to the Hampshire towns. The esst- 
em soldiers lost more than their proportion. The names of the eastern soldiers 
that were slain, have not been preserved, except those stationed in NorthamptoDt 
which were recorded there, viz., Peter Gerrin, Thomas Roberts, John Langbeny, 
Samuel Ransford, William Howard, John Foster, John Whitridg^, Jacob Burton, 
Joseph Fowler, George Bugle (or Buckly,) Thomas Lyon and John Walker. 
James Bcnnet, an inhabitant of Northampton, and John Miller, perhaps sn 
inhabitant, were also slain. Fourteen who went from Northampton were slain, 
besides Capt. Turner whose death is recorded with the others, though he resided 
much of the time in Hadley. [The notice of James Bennet's death, on page 15U, 
is an error.] 

Three Hatfield men were killed, viz., Samuel Gillet, John Church, and William 
AUis, Jr. 

Westfield, though not named as participating in this expedition, had in it two 
citizens and seven garrison .soldiers. Of th'e latter, thr(M> were slain, and otbeis 


food," came into Hadley, on the east side of the river, about 
noon on Monday.* 

Those in the falls-fight belonging to Hadley were Sergt, 
Joseph Kellogg, Sergt. John Dickinson, Samuel Boltwood, 
IToah Coleman, Nehemiah Dickinson, Isaac Harrison, John 
Ingram, John Smith, Joseph Selden, Joseph Warriner, Thomas 
Wells, Jr., Jonathan Wells, David Hoyt, Samuel Crow, Peter 
Montague, and Eliezer Hawks ; and Nathaniel Sutliffe from 
Deerfield. John Preston was one of Capt. Turner's soldiers, 
who went from Hadley; he settled in that town. — ^Isaac 
Harrison and Nathaniel Sutlifie were slain, and perhaps John 
Dickinson and Samuel Crow.t 

Mr. Russell, so oflen the scribe for militia officers and others 
in these three towns, wrote to Hartford as soon as the success 
and defeat were known, and desired assistance. The Council 
of War at Hartford on the 20th, ordered 80 men to be sent u]^ 
to Northampton, under Capt. Benjamin Newberry, on Mon- 
day, May 22d. 

Mr. Russell and some of the militia officers of Northampton 
and Hadley, wrote again to Hartford, May 22d. 

Hadley, May 22, 1676. 
Wonhipfdl Sir, 

Toon from the honored Council we received czpressinc^ your kind and tender 
cue and love for us, with your preparation of succor and help for us with respect 
to nich exigents as may prove distressing. 

Some more of our solaicrs have dropped in since our last ; one on Saturday, 
40ft on Saturday ni^ht, two yesterday and one this morning ; and about noon 
llr. Atherton came into Hadley. So that now the number of those wanting is 
^t (nr nine and thirty. Some were wandering on the west mountains on 
Sitoiday, who were not wounded. Whether Providence may yet guide them in 
<v&o, we know not ; we are not quite without hope of some of them. 

As to the number of the enemy slain ; many of the soldiers say they guessed 
^^ to be about four score that lay upon the ground. But sergeant Bardill 
[fiirdwell] saith he had time and took it to run them over by taJe going from 
vinram to wigwam to do it, and also what was between the bank and the water, 
UM found them above an hundred. He hath sometimes said six score but stands 
to it that there were above 100, 17 being in a wigwam, or two a little higher up 
tlitii the rest. 

*Kr. Atherton, in his relation of his sufifcrings and deliverances, does not tell 
W he crossed the river and got to Hadley. Approachinga party of Indians the 
■eeond day, he says, " I tendered myself a captive. They accepted not the 
tender, when I spake, they answered not. When I moved toward them, they 
iMnred away from me." This singular conduct of tlic Indians has been attributed 
to their superstitious fear of an English minister, whom they considered a supe- 
ikr being. Some persons, in those days, imagined that Mr. Atherton had been 
liitially deranged, and had deceived himself. He did not admit this. 

tTfae five towns had in the expedition, exclusive of eastern soldiers, about 75 
Ben, and 66 of these left postenty that had 68 shares of land in Failtown, in 
1736, yriz., Sprinrfeld, 21, Northampton, 19, Hadley, 15, Hatfield, 9, Westfield, 2, 
tad 2 had lived in Deerfield. A number of the soldiers settled in these towns. 
Four of tibe Hampshire men were living in 1736, 60 years after they fought under 
Tnrner and Holyoke, viz., Nathanid Alexander of Northampton, Samuel Beldcn 
at Hatfield, Jonathan Wells of Deerfield, and James Mun of Colchester, Conn. 
Four of the eaitem soldiers were also living. 


Likewise Wol Drew, a soidier that eeems to be of good bebavior and ciedH« 
seeing two or three soldiers standing in a secure place below the bank, more 
quiet than he thought was meet for the timCt he asked them why they stood there 
— saith they answered that they had seen many go down the £ws and they womM 
endeavor to tell how many. Hereupon he observed with them until he told fiAjt 
and they said to him that those made up six score and ten. Some of them also 
were slain in their pursuit of ours where so man^ of ours fell. Hence we cannot 
but judge that there were above 200 of them slain. 

Our &outs being out this night have discovered that the enemy abide still In 
the places where thev were on lM)th sides of the river and in the Islands, and fires 
in tne same place where our men had burnt the wigwams.^ So thai they jndge 
citlier that Pnilip is come to them, or some considerable company from Squnkeag, 
Poquiog and ottier places. Hereupon it seems most probable, if not condadabra 
that their piurpose is to abide here, at least for some space of time, as having the 
advantage of a place best suited to shift for their safety, being on both sides the 
river, on the Islands, and their fort close by Deerfield Kiver, and amidst the 
desolate places fit for them to skulk in and escape by. Whence we wonld 
humbly propose it to your consideration, whether Irovidence doth not ofler and 
call to tne accepting tnis opportunity and improving of it speedily before it sK}i» 
and whether we ma^ not Iook that toe taking of them here, with a smaller help 
of English and Indians, may not be likely to be a greater advantage than greater 
numbers when they are removed hence ? They luive planted as is judged 900 
acres! of choice ground at Deerfield ; their fish is there not yet fit to carry awaj 
and their place such as they can shift almost away from our approach. So thi^ 
we count them likely to abide awhile. 

We are by reason of our fences being all plucked upt exceedingly diaadmii- 
taged for keeping horses, so that we shall be necessitated either to put them in 
some meadow two or three miles off our towns, or keep them very meanly, or 
send them home while the riders stay. 

Might we receive a few lines from yourself respecting the premises, it would 
be matter of direction for us. We have not further to ^d but hearty thanks tot 
your care of and love to us, together with prayers to God of blessing for his 
presence with and blessing upon you in all your weighty proceeds. We renuun. 

Your worship's in all numole service. 
Superscription. JOHN RUSS ELL. 

"These for the Worshipful John Allyn, Esq. SAMUEL SMITH. 

Secretary, at his house in Hartford, to be com- DAVID WILTON. 

municated to the Hon'd Council there.'* AABON COOK. 

Loss of the Indians in the Falls-fight. — The reports that the 
Indians slain and drowned were ahout 230, or above 200, 
were evidently derived from the counts or guesses of Bard- 
well§ and Drew, and of those referred to by Drew. It can 
hardly be credited .that men could have found time during or 
after the fight, to count the dead or drowning Indians. It is 
not unreasonable, however, to suppose that uom 130 to 180 
Indians, old and young, perished at the falls that moming. 
The extravagant confessions of some Indian prisoners swellM 
the number to 300, and even to 400. Other Indians, whose 
testimony Mather noticed, affirmed that many who went 

* The wigwams above the falls were burnt by the English. They contained 
many bodies of the slain. 

t Probably not one-fourth of 300 acres. 

t They used the fences that were about the homelots in these towns, to main 

$ Robert Bardwell was one of Capt Turner's soldiers, who had been in tbe 
Namganset fight. He settled in Hatfield, and was a reputable man. 


down the falls, got safe on shoro, and that they lost not above 
60 men. Menowniet testified at Hartford that 40 Norwot- 
tucks (meaning river Indians) and Quabaugs, and 10 Narra- 
gansets, were slain at the falls. These 50 or 60 Indians 
Siclude only fightmg-men. 

If the veil be raised, which partially covers some of the 
horrors of that morning, it will be seen that those wigwams 
above the falls contained men, women and children ; that the 
slaughter was indiscriminate, and that many of those carried 
down the falls were not warriors. A great part of those that 
perished were river Indians, who, twelve months before, 
resided near the Hampshire villages. 

The defeat of the Indians at the falls was one from which 
they never recovered. If they lost only 60 fighting-men, they 
lost more than fell in any action during the war, except in 
the Narraganset conflict. 

Capt. Newberry came np to Northampton with about 80 
men, on the 22d of May. He left three at Westfield, seven 
of their men hating been slain or wounded, in the late expe- 
£tion. In a letter of the 24th, from him and John Maudsley, 
they proposed to go up the river, if the council approved. 
And they further propounded, "whether it may not be advan- 
tageous to send up Samuel Cross and those dogs* he hath, if 
yoa see cause to have any thing done.'' 

Attack on Hatfield. — On the 30th of May, the Indians 
appeared at Hatfield, when the men were out in the fields. 
Their first object was obviously to plunder and destroy prop- 
erty without the palisades, and one party placed themselves 
in the meadow near the ferry to Hadley, to hinder men from 
owning over; and later in the day, another party lay in 
ambosh by the road to Northampton. The crossing of the 
river from Hadley, and passing through the meadow to 
Hatfield village, was a bold adventure of the English. The 
onmber of Indians may have been 250. — ^Mr. Russell wrote to 
Hartford the same day, but his letter is lost. An account 
fifwn Mather, and a hasty letter from Capt. Newberry to 
Secretary AUyn, follow. 

''The enemy fired aboat twelve hotiseR and bams without the fortification, 
kitted manj of their cattle, drove away almost all their sheep, and spread them- 

*Do^ have been used in mnjay countries to hunt mankind, and sometimes to 
tear them in pieces. The northern parishes of England were required to keep 
Uood-hounds to hunt freebooters, in the time of Charles II. Men who run away 
from slavery in the United States, are still hunted with dogs ; and some years 
finee, it was proposed by a distinguished officer, to purchase blood-hounds to aid 
the United states troops in the war against the Indians in Florida. Massachn- 
fetti tried dog^ against Indians, in the last century, but there is no record that 
thej eyer killed or captured an Indian. They are inefficient against armed men. 


selves in the meadow between Hatfield and Hadley, Whereupon twenty-fire 
active and resolute men went from Hadley to relieve their distressed breUven. 
The Indians shot at them ere they could get out of the boat, and wounded one of 
'them. Ours nevertheless charged on the enemv, and shot down five or six at tlie 
first volley near the river. Then they made h&ste towards the town, fifffatine 
with a gre-at number of the enemy, many falling before them. And uoo^ 
encompassed with a numerous swarm of Indians, who lay in ambush behind 
almost every tree and place of advantage, yet the English lost nut one man, till 
within about an hundred rods of the town, when five of ours were slain ; among 
whom was a precious young man whose name was Smith, that place having loit 
many, in losing that one num. It speaketh sadly to the rising generation when 
such are taken away. After this the enemy fled, having lost five and twentj in 
this fight." 

Northampton, May the SOth, 1676. 
Right worshipful, 

Sir, by post from Hatfield, we received intelli^nce even now, that the Indians 
have done much spoil ; numy houses burnt without the fortification. Several 
men from Hadley went over for their relief, of which there are five killed and 
three wounded. Two of our men killed, Johanna Smith and Richard HaU; 
John Stow wounded in the foot, and Roger Onis is also wounded in the foot. 
John Smith of Hadley killed and two of their garrison soldiers.* There 
about 150 Indians that fought them up the meadow, all like to be killed or 
but that men issued out from the town for their relief ; none slain till i 
come up to the town. Many more Indians then were at the town doing spoil aft 
the same time that our men were foueht with. They drew off and ambushed tbe 
way betwixt Northampton and Hatneld to lay w^t for oiur forces, but fiearing it 
beforehand, they [our forces] went not that way but drew over to Hadley^-coidd 
not get to Hatfield by reason they lay so thick about the landing-place.T — Mmst 
cattle and horses slain and taken away. That is the substance of what intelb* 
gence we have to impart. The Lord sanctify his hand to us for our good, and 
be present with you in all your weighty concerns under hand. Intelligence from 
Boston vou have already. Not else but cordial respects to yourself and all rda- 
tions with you. I take leave, remaining 

Your humble Serv*t, 


The Connecticut forces under Major Talcott. — ^In May, 
1676, Massachusetts and Connecticut designed an expedition 
into Hampshire county. Their forces were to scour the 
country, and to visit Squakeag, the supposed head-quarteiB of 
the Indians. Major John Talcott at the head of 250 English 
on horses and 200 Indians on foot from Connecticut, left 
Norwich on the first or second of June, and arrived at Hadley 
on the 8th. He crossed the river to Northampton the same 
day with part of his forces, that being usually the head- 
quarters of the Connecticut troops. They took from Norwich 

4000 pounds of bread, 1 300 pounds of pork, 26 gallons of 


* John Smith of Hadley, so highly praised by Mather, was in the fall»-fifffat a 
few days before. He was a son of Lieut. Samuel Smith, and an ancestor m ibe 
Hatfield Smiths. The late Oliver Smith of Hatfield, the most wealthy man in 
Hampshire, was one of his descendants. 

Johanna Smith was from Farmiugton and Bichard Hall from Middletown. 
The names of the two colony soldiers killed are unknown. None of the Wg^^^ 
people were slain. 

t Some of his men did get to Hatfield, or two would not have been slain, 
two wounded. 


liquors, and other things.* Capt. Daniel Henchman and the 
Massachusetts troops were delayed, and did not arrive at 
Hadley until the 14th. 

Major Talcott intended to attack the stronghold of the 
Indians near Mount Wachuset, but he recived a letter from 
the Council, written May Slst, advising him " not to march 
to Watchossuck," [Wachuset.] This place was deemed for- 
midable by the Council of Connecticut. Capt. Henchman 
was to take Wachuset in his way, but he came up in haste, 
and Wachuset was not assailed. 

The eighth of June, 1676, was a day of much excitement 
in the river towns. An army of 450 men from Connecticut 
was a novel and animating spectacle. The inhabitants of 
Hadley gazed with eagerness upon the 250 mounted men, 
with their red silk banners, and especially upon the 200 
Indians, as . they marched up the street. The men on horses 
•were almost all from the towns upon Long Island Sound, 
under Captains Sellick, Mansfield, and Denison. Most of the 
Hartford county troops were at Northampton under Capt. 
Newberry. The Indians were Pequots, Mohegans, NianticKS, 
Indians from Hartford county, and some from Fairfield. 
They formed a motley assemblage ; their dress and arms were 
various, and their decorations diversified and fantastic. A 
collection of 200 friendly Indian warriors, was a sight which 
the inhabitants of these towns never saw before. 

Extracts of a letter from Major John Talcott, to Dep. Gov. Treat and tho 
Council at Hartford. 

Northampton, June S, 1676, 
at 10 of the clock at night 
Hoii*d Gent'm, 

In porsoance of your orders, past from Norwich to Wabaquasset, at which 

l^ioe Wppose was about 40 acres of com, and a fort, but none of the enemj to 

M fimnd ; from thence made Chanagongnimt in the Ninapt country, on the 5th 

of June, and took 52 of the enemy, of which 19 slain and one shot and made an 

citape ; and on the 6th instant made towards Quabaug and gained it on the 7th 

^7 about 12 o'clock ; took 2 of the enemy, who were laden with as much fish as 

they could carry, and each of them a gun. their horns full of powder, which were 

ttkeu ; we sent 27 women and children to Norwich under conduct of some of 

t^Mie we call honest Indians, and the other are come to Hadley with the army. 

^f the last that was slain we receive intelligence that there is 500 fiehting-men 

J^acomtnck. This eighth instant wo made Hadley with i^ut 200 Indians and 

|hO English, but the Hay forces are not come. I past away from Quabaug a 

ftter to the chief commander of the fiay forces, intended for conjunction with us 

tt these parts, and upon advice with those of my council of war, judg^e that it is 

^ pradent to divide our forces and engaee the enemy on both sides of tho 

^^^1 being too weak, rationally expecting Uaat they will endeavor to make over 

*Trambull and others are mistaken in supposing that this was the " hungpry 
■■ith." That march was in August. 

^The name of a pond and Indian village in Dudley, called Chabanakongkomun 

ttheNipmuck country was also called Nipnet, Nipnep, Ninap, &c. 



to one fide and so overpower us, it may be to otir min and jonr loea, and judge 
it a bootless undertaking to driye but one side, knowing thej will fly (if b^ten) 
orer to the other side and scornfully reproach u^t. I have qoartered onr soldiers 
and are waiting for your further orders. Mr. Fitch, Mr. Bulkley,* Capt. New* 
berry, Capt. Denison with all other of onr officers and soldiers are in health, 
desiring their service to be presented to your worships, and do acknowledge the 
great goodness of God in saving and preserving us in the midst of all our diffi- 
culties. Gent'm, if you cause any breaa to be made for this wilderness work, it 
had need be well dried ; great part of our bread is full of blue mould, and yet 
kept dry from wet, and we shall need a barrel of powder at this time and 300 lbs. 
of bullets for carxring on the war here as we judge. We shall endeavor to pio> 
cure bread here for our soldiers not knowing how bread can be conveyed op. 
Shall not trouble you further. Am Hon. Gent. 

Your humble serv*t, 


Please to send up those sent down for powder and bullets, with all possible 
speed. Remember nint stones. 

Major Talcott wrote another letter from Northampton, 
June 11th. Had sent posts to Capt. Henchman, to hasten 
the Bay forces, and expected their arrival on the 14th at 
night. " Our delays in these parts do so exhaust their pro- 
vision, that it is ^ared they cannot suit us with bread suffi- 
cient for the field." He sent down 40 or 45 horses under 
Lieut. LeflSngwell, to bring what bread they could from 
Deac. Moore, a baker in Windsor. 

Attack on Hadley. — On Monday, June 12th, the Indians 
appeared at Hadley, ignorant that 450 men had recently 
arnved in these towns. Major Talcott was on the west side of 
the river, and Capt. Swain, who had been sent up to take the 
place of Capt. Turner, had the command in Hadley. The 
object of the Indians seems to have been to plunder and 
destroy, without the fortification, as at Hatfield. It may be 
conjectured that a part of them designed to cut off those that 
went down to work in Fort and Hockanum meadows in the 
morning. There may have been 250 Indians engaged in this 
enterprise. They were our river Indians and other Nipmucks, 
with some Narragansets. This was their last efibrt in the 
county of Hampshire in 1676. The power of the Indians was 
fast declining. The following account is from Mather. 

" Jane 12, the enemy assaulted Hadley. In the morning, snn an hour high, 
three soldiers goin^ out of the town without their arms, were dissuaded there> 
from hy a sergeant who stood at the gate, but they alledgiug that they intended 
not to go far, were suffered to pass ; within a while, the sergeant apprehended 
that he heard some men running, and looking over the fortlHcation, he saw 
twenty Indians pursuing those three men, who were so terrified that they could 
not cry out ; two of them were at last killed, and the other so mortally wounded 
that he lived not above two or three days ; wherefore the serg^eant ^ave the alarm. 
Qod in great mercv to these western plantations, had so orderca by his provi- 
dence, that Connecticut army was conic thither, before this onset from the enemy. 
Besides English, there were near upon two hundred Indians in Hadley, who 
came to fight with and for the Englisli, against the common enemy, who 

* Rev. James Fitch of Norwich was the minister, and Rev. Gershom Bolkley* 
of Wethersfield, the surgeon of the expedition. 


qvdcklj driven off at the south end of the town. Whilst our men were pnmdnff 
of them here, on a sadden a preat swarm of Indians issued out of the bushes ana 
made their main assault at toe north end of the town ; they fired a bam which 
was without the fortification, and went into a house, where the inhabitants dis- 
chor^^ a great gun* upon them, whereupon about fifty Indians were seen 
ninmng out of the house in ereat haste, being terribly fnghted with the report 
and slaughter made amongst them by the great gun. Ours followed the enemy, 
(whom tney judged to be about five hundred, and by Indian report since, it 
seems thery were seven hundredt) near upon two miles, and would fain have 
pnnued tnem further, but they had no order so to do. But few of ours lost their 
fives in this skirmish, nor is it yet known how many the enemy lost in this fight 
The English could find but three dead Indians, yet some of them who have oeea 
taken captive, confess that they had thirty men killed this day. And since we 
have been informed by Indians, that while the Indian men were thus fightinjg 
against Hadlev, the Mohawks came upon their head-quarters, and smote their 
women and children, with a great slaughter, and then returned with much 

Expedition up the river. — Capt. Henchman arrived at Had- 
ley with the Massachusetts troops, and a company of Chris- 
tian Indians, on the 14th of June. On Friday, the 16th, the 
forces moved up the river, Capt. Henchman on the east side, 
and Major Talcott on the west side. There was a severe 
thunder shower that day, but they reached the falls, where 
they found no Indians. There was a north-east rain-storm all 
the next day, and the night succeeding, which damaged their 
arms, ammunition and provisions, and they returned to the 
towns on Sunday, the 18th. They sent up scouts, on the east 
aide of the river, as high as Squakeag, who could not discover 
the enemy. The soldiers ranging on the west side, above 
Deerfield, found the body of Capt. Turner, and conjectured 
that they found places where some of the English had been 
tortured to death by burning. 

On the 28th of June, about 30 men went up towards the 
falls, and espied no Indians. They burnt a hundred wigwams 
upon an island, ruined an Indian fort, spoiled an abundance of 
fish which they found in Indian barns under ground, and 
destroyed 30 canoes. Some of the Indians had gone east- 
ward, and others might have gone up the river to their 
Coasset. They were distressed and scattered. 

Uajor Talcott and the Connecticut forces returned to that 
colony, June 20th, and a fortnight after, they were killing 
md capturing Indians in the colony of Rhode Island. 

*It is not known when and where lladley obtained this ** great gnn" which 
^ti only a small cannon. Lt. W^alter Filer of Windsor, in a letter written in 
October, 1675, remarks that "if the great gun at Springfield had been but 
ABQiited into Mr. Glover's chamber, it would have put the 100 Indians to rent 
^ the top of the hill," &c. This Springfield cannon is not noticed bj others. 

tin this as in other instances, the wild conjectures of the English, were less 
^truant than the reports of the Indians. There were not at th&t time seven 
■ondred hostile Indian warriors in Massachusetts. 

*yht reports of the Mohawks attacking our Indians, were false. 


Capt. Henchman left Hadley the latter part of June» and 
he killed or took 84 Indians in coming up and returning. 

Before Major Talcott and Capt. Henchman left Hampshire, 
there were near 900 soldiers in the county, viz., about 530 
from Connecticut, including Indians ; and between 350 and 
and 400 from the eastern towns in Massachusetts. Only the 
garrison soldiers under Capt. Swain remained. 

Wheat Harvest in Hadley. — The people were apprehensive 
that the Indians might return during the wheat harvest, and 
on the 11th of July, Mr. Russell, in behalf of the people, 
wrote to Secretary AUyn at Hartford, and requested a guard 
of thirty men, while they gathered the harvest from their 
out-fields. Mr. AUyn replied on the 14th, that they could not 
send men to Hadley, as their army was to march on the 17th, 
and their harvest had just come. He thought the Indiana 
were brought low, and would be lower every day. 

On the 18th of July, the people of Hadley adopted the 
following regulations in regard to their harvest. 

" Ordered, that during the time of cutting: and inning of com* and grass, in 
Hockanum and Fort Meadow, there shall not be less than the whole number of 
garrison soldiers, and two out of each squadron, or eight inhabitants, left to 
secure the town as a garrison eveiy day ; the ordering of the garrison aforesaid 
to be under the inspection of the captain of the garrison soMiers and Lieut. 
Smith. Ordered that not less than forty nor more than fifty men, presume to go 
to labor in Hockanum or Fort Meadow as to harvest-work ; and this number thej 
shall dispose of in the best manner for their security and safety ; and on those 
days when such a part are working, either in Hockanum or Fort Meadow, no 
person shall then be working in the Great Meadow, but the rest are to abide in 
the town as a security under penalty of three shillings. Tomorrow, July 19th, 
shall be the day for going to Hockanum, the 20th into the Great Meadow, tlie 
81 st into Hockanum, and so the week following." 

The meadows north of Hadley village, on account of their 
exposure to the enemy, were not cultivated in 1676 ; and the 
North Meadow in Hatfield seems not to have been used in 

Flight of Indians to Hudson's River. — In July, the Indians 
were in a disunited and depressed state. They suffered from 
famine and disease, and were hunted from place to place. 
Some were taken and others gave themselves up ; most of 
these were women ^Emd children. Some fled to distant places. 
About the 19th of July, a party passed through Westfield, in 
their flight to Hudson's River. They seized some horses and 
cattle, and plucked up corn-stalks to suck for refreshment. 

Another party crossed the Connecticut between Hadley 
and Springfield on Friday, the 11th of August, and passed 
near Westneld the next day. Major Talcott pursued them. 

*The corn was wheat. After making an allowance for the differenoe in sfyle^ 
it will be found that the wheat harvest at Hadley began near the end of July, 
and at Hvtford, a few days sooner, in 1676. 


Major PyDchon gives an account of these things in a letter to 
the governor of Massachusetts. Extracts follow. 

Sprinfffield, Angr- 15, 1676. 

The bodv of the Indians is drawn off towards Albany, where they are harbored 
under the ^yernment of Andros. We shall bo in danger of being continually 
distnrbed, if he harbors the enemy. Last Saturday, Aug^ust l*^th, near 200 
Indians were discovered within three or four miles of Westfield. The people and 
loldiers then went oat and made several shots on them and took a horse from 
them,^ but finding them so many, they sent word to me. I presently gave order 
for thirty to march thither, but they came too late ; and then also Major Talcott's 
army camo in (who has, they say, cut down all the Indian corn abont Quar 
bang, &c) They pursued them on Sabbath about noon, a dav after the Indians 
were gone, and provisions not being ready at Westfield, they hastened somewhat 
short of provisions, and I doubt they will not overtake them till they come to 

While I am writing, news comes that Major Talcott's army are most of them 
returned ; only himself and 60 men and as many Indians have gone on. Find- 
ing his want of victuals, Maj. Talcott sent back most of his men, taking all their 
Tictuals, and discharging himself of his horses. An old Indian, whom he took, 
told him the Indians intended to rest at Oussotinoag, and that they had between 
50 and 60 fighting-men, and 100 women, besides children. Ho hopes to get up 
with them and do some execution, which the Lord in mercy grant. We find by 
our scouts that this parcel of Indians went over the great nver on rafts at the 
foot of the great falls, between us and Hadley, and their track comes from the 
Nipmuck country. The scouts found where they lay, within seven miles of our 
town, having about 25 fires. 

My respects to your good lady and all the magistrates. 


According to Hubbard, Major Talcott overtook the Indians 
at Ausotunnoog River, and fought with them, killing and 
taking 45, of whom 25 were fighting-men, with the loss of 
only one, a Mohegan Indian. The Council of Connecticut, 
in a letter to Gov. Andros, dated Aug. 19, say theirs slew 
40 and took 15 captives. This engagement was on Tuesday 
morning, Aug. 15th, and is supposed to have taken place in 
or near the present township ot SheflSeld. Major Talcott was 
not stationed at Westfield, as intimated by Trumbull, but had 
recently come from the east.t 

Major Pynchon advised Capt. Swain to send out soldiers 
and cut down the com at Squakeag, and the work was done 

*The name of the Housatonnuc was so spelled by John Pynchon. It was 
mitten by some Housetunack, and Ousatunick, in 1676. 

iThe third expedition of Major Talcott and his army is not mentioned by 
kiitorians, except a slight notice by Capt. Church. They marched from New 
London, after tne 20th of July, and crossed the Karraganset country into the 
colony of Plymouth. On the 31st of July, Massachusetts ordered bread, bacon, 
^Hsc, spirits, wine and tobacco, to be sent to Taunton, for Major Talcott's 
fivoes. As Major Talcott was returning, he was apprised of the fleeing of 
^ Indians and pursued them. Old Col. Wadswortn of Durham, informed 
IVes. Stiles that tins was the hungry march ; he had a manuscript liiKtory of it. 
The proclamation of Connecticut of Aug. 19th, appointing Aug. 30th as a day of 
Thanki^ving, noticed " the goodness of God to us in the great preservation he 
Ittdi mercifully granted our men, in their last, long, and tedious march through 
tke wilderness,*" Ac This was the "long and hungry march,"— from near 
Ttonton River to the Housatonnuc. 


before the 15th of August, — and no Indians seen. He had 
also sent 30 men to Paquayag upon Miller's River, to cut 
down the corn there. On the 22d, the soldiers finished cot- 
ting down the corn at Deerfield ; they saw six Indians near 
Deerfield River. Capt. Swain had orders to march home- 
wards, and intended to go on the last day of August, but a 
part of the men remained a few days longer.* The soldiers 
had been in service many months ; some were left by Capt. 
Appleton in November, 1675, and others came up with 
Capt. Turner in March, 1676. Some had formed attachmentB 
here, and became permanent residents. 

Philip was slain on the 12th of August, 1676, at Mount 
Hope, by an Indian of his own nation. The hostile Indians 
had fled, or submitted, and the war appeared to be terminatedy 
except in Maine. The people of Hampshire were afraid that 
those fugitives who had been received by the Hudson's River 
Indians, would make inroads upon their towns ; and requests 
were made to Gov. Andros to deliver up some of the cfaiefe. 
He, not improperly, refused to do this. In April, 1677, the 
names of the principal men, supposed to be in New York, 
were sent to Gov. Andros, viz., Wequogan, Awassamaug, 
Pumanequin, Negonump, Apequanas alias John Sagamore, 
and Cochapeseu. The first and the last were Springfield 
Indians. Gov. Andros said some of the Indians had '^ fled to 
Canada, some to the Senecas, and most other nations have got 
some." Our Norwottuck chief Sancumachu, was not named. 

King Philip. — He was the terror of New England for foui^ 
teen months. Schemes were attributed to him which he did 
not contrive, and deeds which he did not perform ; and he 
was charged with the atrocities and cruelties of others. He 
was not in the attacks upon the Hampshire villages in 1676 ; 
he was not concerned in the slaughters and desolations at 
Lancaster, Medfield, Plymouth, Groton, Warwick, Marlbor- 
ough, Rehoboth, Providence, Chelmsford, and other places 
which might be named. But Philip was a savage and aoubt- 
less rejoiced in the havoc and bloodshed made bv the fierce 
and furious Nipmucks and Narragansets.t Phihp had but 
few followers and obeyers. He is said to have quarrelled 
with the Nipmucks at Wachuset. 

** On the 18th of August, the Connecticut captains were ordered to march to 
their respective counties and disband their companies. The war was considered 
at an encl. 

tThe stoiy published in some histories, that when PhiUp was near AlbaoT, he 
killed some scattered Mohawks, and reported that the Sfnfflidi had done it, io 
order to breed a quarrel between the English and Mohawks, does not deeeire tk^ 
least credit. 


The Mohawks. — ^In 1676, various delusive reports were 
circulated in New England, relating to what the Mohawks 
had done or would do, against the hostile Indians, and they 
are found in the letters and histories of that day. Some of 
these came from New York and Albany, and from Gov. 
Andros himself, and some were derived from the " confessions" 
of Indian captives. No reliance can be placed on these 
reports and hearsays. There is no evidence that the Mohawks 
came into New England and killed any hostile Indians. The 
Council of Connecticut wrote to Gov. Andros, Aug. 31, that 
they were in the dark, as to the Mohawks pursuing and 
destroying our Indians ; they knew not what services the 
Mohawks bad done. (See page 131.) Possibly they had cut 
off a few stragglers. 

Hatfield attacked in 1677. 

On the 19th of September, 1677, a year after the war was 

apparently closed, some Indians made an unexpected and 

destructive inroad upon Hatfield. About eleven o'clock in 

the forenoon, when the greater part of the men were dispersed 

in the meadows, and others were employed upon the frame of 

a bouse without the palisades, a party of Indians suddenly 

assaulted the latter, and shot down three men, and proceeding 

to other buildings, killed nine more persons, wounded four 

others, took seventeen captives, and burnt seven buildings. 

This was a more calamitous assault than had been made upon 

any town in Hampshire during the two preceding years. All 

the persons killed, wounded and taken were women and 

children, except five. All these women and children lived in 

the northern part of the village, and probably without the 


The Indians proceeded with their captives to Deerfield the 
same day, where a few people were preparing to rebuild their 
houses ; of these they killed one and captured four.t They 
raomed their march up the Connecticut with twenty-one 

?itives, the next morning, and they stopped on the east side 
the river, about thirty miles above Northfield,{ where they 
built a long wigwam, and remained about three weeks. 

They were pursued as far as Northfield, but not overtaken. 
To aid in the pursuit, Connecticut sent up Capt. Thomas 

*Oookm says the bnildings burnt stood without the line. 

tOne of these Deerfield captives was Quintin Stockwell, and in 1684, Rev. 
ISQiBMe Mather published a Narrative of his Captivity, from his own words. 

tThis distance is StockwelVs guess. Their stopping-place may have been 
Id or SO miles above Northfield. 


Watts with 50 men. Had they come upon the Indians, the 
prisoners would have been in danger of the tomahawk. 

During the three weeks' stay of the Indians above North- 
field, some of them proceeded to Wachuset, and brought back 
with them about eighty women and children. Benoni Steb- 
bins, who was taken at Deerfield, going with them towards 
Wachuset, escaped, and returned to his friends* Others of 
these Indians came down and there was a parley* between 
then> and the English, and it was agreed to meet again on the 
Sabbath, Oct. 14th, to make a treaty for the redemption of 
the captives. Hadley, Hatfield and Northampton sent down 
to Hartford for assistance in case of an attack, and for a suit- 
able person to advise. The General Court of Connecticut, on 
the 11th, sent up Major Treat with*40 men to give assistance 
if needed. The endeavors of these towns and of Connecticut, 
to ransom the prisoners, were frustrated, and the Indians did 
not attend the meeting on the 14th. 

Benoni Stebbins reported that the Indians who had been at 
Hatfield were about twenty-seven, including four women, and 
that they were of the old enemy, formerly neighbors, who 
had fled to Canada. Stockwell calls a part of them Wachuset 

The Hadley mill which had been preserved by a small 
garrison in 1675 and 1676, was burnt by Indians in October, 
1677. The Hadley record does not note the day. 

Sometime in October, the captors and the captives again 
moved up the river. They crossed the country to Lake 
Champlain, and after some delays, arrived in Canada in winter 
weather. These sufierers from Hatfield and Deerfield, were 
the first that were ever forced to leave their homes in New 
England, and travel through the dreary wilderness, to Canada. 
Hundreds were afterwards compelled to do the same. 

The persons killed, taken and wounded, at Hatfield, Sept. 19, 1677, wen m 
follows : — 

Killed. — Seret. Isaac Graves and his brother, John Graves; John Atchisson; 
John Cooper of Sprin^eld, aged 18 ; Elizabeth, wife of Philip Bussell and lier 
son Stephen, Aged 3 years ; Hannah, wife of John Coleman, and her babe 
Bothiah ; Sarah, vvife of Samael Kelloffg, and her babe Joseph : Mary, wife of 
Samuel Belding ; Elizabeth Wells, agea two years, daughter of John WeOs ; in 
all, 12. 

Taken. — Sarah Coleman, aged four years, and another child of John Colemmn ; 
Martha, wife of J^ujamin Wait, and her 3 daughters, Maiy, tLged 6, Martha, 4, 
and Sarah, 2 ; Mary, wife of Samuel Foote, and a young son, and daughter Mary, 

*" Hubbard reports that the Indians attempted to take Hadley mill, and w>i«»i«g 
their end, pretended a kind of parley. 


Woonded.— A child of John Coleman ; wife and daughter of John Weill ; wife 
of Obadiah Dickinson. 

Boildings burnt.— John Coleman's bam ; John Allis's bam ; Obadiah Dickin- 
aon'a honae ; fiei\janiin Wait's house and bam ; Samnel Kellogg's house and 

At Beerfield. — John Root was taken and then killed ; and Sergt. John Pljmp- 
ton, senior, Quintin Stockwell, Benoni Stebbins, and Samuel, son of Phihp 
Russell, aged 8 or 9, were taken. 

At both places, there were 13 killed and 21 taken. After the escape of Benoni 
Stebbins, the captives were 20. Of these, three were slain in Canada, viz., 
8eigt Pljmpton, Samuel Russell, and Mar^, daughter of Samuel Foote. Seyen- 
teen returned to their friends, with an addition of two babes bora in Canada. 

The Canada babes. — ^Thc two babes bom in Canada were females ; one was a 
daa^ter of Bei^amin Wait, bom January 22, 1678 ; the other a daughter of 
Stephen Jennings, bom March 14, 1678. To commemorate the captivity in 
Canada, Wait's child was named Canada, and Jennin^'s child. Captivity, and 
these names they ever retained. Canada Wait married Joseph Smith, son of the 
John Smith of Uadley, who was slain in Hatfield meadow, May 30, 1676 ; she. 
was the grandmother of the late Oliver Smith and his five brothers. Stephen 
Jennings removed to Brookfield, and his daughter. Captivity, married Aoijah 
Bartlett of that town. 

Benjamin Wait and Stephen Jennings, men of ener^ and 
perseverance, undertook to redeem their wives and children, 
and the other captives. They obtained a commission from 
the government of Massachusetts, and set out from Hatfield 
on the 24th of October, and went by way of Westfield to 
Albany- The ruling men frowned upon their enterprise, and 
after they had proceeded to Schenectady, brought them back 
by force to Albany, and sent them down to New York to 
GFoy. Andros, under pretence of some new order from him. 
Capt. Brockhurst interceded for them, and they were sent 
1>ack with a pass, and arrived at Albany, Nov. 19. Here they 
wain met with discouragements, and were obliged to hire a 
Ifohawk Indian to conduct them to Lake George. This 
savage was more humane and friendly than the governing 
men in the colony. The lake being open, he fitted up for 
them a canoe, about Dec. 16, and drew for them a draught of 
the lakes they were to pass.* They went down Lake Q-eorge, 
and carried their canoe two miles upon their backs, to Lake 
Champlain, where they were hindered by ice and head-winds 
many days, and reached Chamblee on the 6th of January, 
1678. At Sorell and the vicinity, they found the captives. 
They went down to Quebec, where they were civilly enter- 
tained by the French governor, who granted them a guard of 
eleven persons towards Albany. They left Quebec on the 
19th of April, and Sorell on the 2d of May, having redeemed 
all the captives. The French had been kind to them. They 
arrived at Albany, on Wednesday, the 22d of May. 

^Tbejrwere ignorant of the countrj, being the first New England men that 
cTcr iMMcd down Lakes (George and Champlain to Canada. 



From Albany, a messenger was sent to Hatfield with the 
following letters, written by two plain men. They are 
natural and unstudied, and coming from the heart, must have 
reached the hearts of others, especially Wait's. 

Albany, May 22, 167a 
LoTini^ wife, 

Havmg now opportunitj to remember my kind love to thee and onr child, and 
the rest of our friends, though we met with great afflictions and trouble since I 
see thee last, yet here is now opportunity of joy and thanksgiving to God, that 
we are now pretty well, and in a hopeful way to see the faces of one another, 
before we take our final farewell of this present world. Likewise God hath raised 
up friends amongst our enemies, and there is but three of us dead of all those 
that were taken away — Sergeant Plympton, Samuel Russel, Samuel Foot's 
daughter. So I conclude bem^ in haste, and rest your most affectionate has- 
band, till death makes a separation. 


Albany, May 23, 1678. 

To my loving friends and kindred at Hatfield, 

These few lines are to let you understand that we are arrived at Albany now 
with the captives, and we now stand in need of assistance, for my charges is venr 
great and neavy ; and therefore any that have anv love to our condition, let it 
move them to come and help us in this strait. 1 hree of the captives are mnr- 
dered,— old Goodman Plympton, Samuel Foot's daughter, Samuel Buasell. AU 
the rest are alive and well and now at Albany, namely, Obadiah Dickinson and 
his child, Mary Foot and her child, Hannah Jennings and 3 children, Abig^ 
Allis, Abigail Bartholomew, Goodman Coleman's children. Samuel Kellogg, my 
wife and 4 children, and Quintin Stockwell. I pray you hasten the ma^er, for 
it requireth great haste. Stay not for the Sabbath, nor shoeing of horses. We 
shall endeavor to meet you at Canterhook [Kinderhook;] it mav be at Honsa- 
tonock. We must come very softly because of our wives and children. I pnj 
you, hasten them, stay not night nor day, for the matter requireth haste, Bring 
provisions with you for us. 

Your loving kinsman, 


At Albany, written from mine own hand. As I have been affected to yoon all 
that were fatherless, be affected to me now, and hasten the matter and stay not, 
and ease me of my charges. Tou shall not need to be afraid of any enemies. 

They remained in Albany five days, and on Monday, 
May 27, walked twentjr-two miles to Kinderhook, where they 
met men and horses nrom Hatfield. They rode through the 
woods to Westfield, and soon all reached Hatfield in safety. 
The captives had been absent eight months, and Wait and 
Jennings, seven months. The day of their arrival was one of 
the most jo}rful days that Hatfield ever knew. The ransom 
of the captives cost above two hundred pounds, which was 
gathered by contribution among the English. 

Copies of the letters of Stockwell and Wait were carried 
to Medfield, on the 29th of May, and Rev. John Wilson, of 
that place, immediately sent them to the governor and council 
at Boston, who had previously appointed the 6th of June, as 
a day of fasting and humiliation. Afler receiving these letters^ 
they issued an additional notice to the public. May dOth : — 


** Knowing thM the labor, hasaid and charge of said Beijamin Wait and hia 
aaaociate^ have been great, we recommend their case with the captives for relief, 
to the piona charity of the elders, ministers and congregations of the seyenl 
towns ; that on the fast day, they manifest their charity b^ contribntine to 1^ 
relief of said persons. And the ministers are desired to stir up the people there- 
unto. For quickening this work, we do hereby remit a copy of Benjamin Wait's 
letter,* to be read publickly either before or upon that day ; and what is freely 

S'ven, is to be remitted to Mr. Anthony Stoddara, Mr. John Joyliff and Mr. John 
ichards, or either of them, who are appointed to deliver and distribute the same 
for the ends aforesaid." Signed by Eaward Rawson, Secretary. 


Fean on account of the attack upon Hatfield — Hadley fortifications — ^Number of 
persons slain in Hampshire — ^Building^ burnt — Benevolence — Cost of the war 
—Head-quarters at Mr. Russell's — ^War taxes in Hampshire — Colony expenses 
in Hampshire— Soldiers' wages— Flint locks and match locks — ^Praying Indi- 
ans—Noises in the air — Garrison at Quabaug — Posts — ^Hadley MiU, the 
parley, ^bc. — Surgeon — Feny-men and others — Scenes in Hadley. 

The sudden and unlocked for onset upon Hatfield excited 
much apprehension. It was feared that other parties of 
Indians would fall upon the frontier towns. A few soldiers 
were stationed at Hatfield for a year after Sept. 1677, and 
some at Hadley for six months in 1678. The fortifications 
about the Hampshire' towns were repaired or rebuilt, and 
kept in order several years, and men went to their labors and 
to public worship, with their arms in their hands. In Oct. 
1677, the General Court ordered that the Hampshire towns 
should endeavor to new model the situation of their houses, 
so as to be more compact, and men from the five towns were 
appointed a committee, to regulate the same. They were not 
•Me to efiect much, except at Westfield. 

Hadley Fortifications, &c. — In Feb. 1677, the town voted 
to fortify the meeting-house ; the selectmen were to call out 
inen and teams for the work. They also voted that every 
inale inhabitant above 16 years of age, should bring arms and 
ttnmunition to meeting on Lord's days and at Lectures, or 
fcrfeit a shilling for every neglect. 

The meeting-house appears to have been surrounded with a 
pdisade. One object of this was to provide a place of refuge, 
te which the women and children could flee, and which the 

*When Benjamin Wait wrote this letter to the people of Hatfield, he little 
^^^OQght that it would be read in all the pnlpits of Massachusetts. 


men could defend. Men carried arms to meeting became it 
was important that tbey should be near their arms, in case of 
an attack upon any part of the village. They undoubtedly 
carried arms to the meeting-house in 1675 and 1676. 

Hadley repaired the east fortifications in 1677. In Jan. 
1678, the town voted not to include the five houses at the 
north end, but would ffive to the owners land to build upon 
within the palisade. On the 10th of December, 1678, they 
voted to build a new fortification on the east side ; the stun 
to be ten feet in length and three inches thick, set two feet 
into the ground ; and if rails were used, they were to be sub- 
stantial. The west fortification was to be repaired. Every 
man was to make his proportion of the palisaae according to 
the town list of estates. Men made their proportion on their 
own land, where it could be done. In April, 1684, the town 
voted to keep up the fortification on the east side. The east 
palisade extended from Nathaniel Dickinson's lot on the 
south, to William Partrigg's lot on the north, and included 
the buildings on those lots. (See page 32.) The length was 
not far from a mile. The' only gate on that side was one in 
the middle highway. Each squadron built a watch-house in 
1678 or 1679. 

Persons slain at different places in Hampshire county in 1676 and 1677» 
indnding 3 killed in Canada. 

1676. 1677. 

March. In the expedition of Minora Sav- Sept, 19. At Hatfield* 18 

age and Treat, towards Millers* River, 1 ** **. At Deerfield, 1 

At Westfield, *' on the last snowy day," 2 In Canada, 3 

March 14. At Northampton, 5 — -^ 

March 26 and 37. Below Sprin^eld, 6 16 

In West Springfield, 1 Slain in three years. 

Afril 1st or 3d. In Hadleja near Mount In 1675, 145 

Holyoke, 3 In 1676, 64 

May 19. In and after the Falls fight, 38 In 1677, 16 

May 30. At Hatfield, 5 

June 13. At Hadley, 3 Total, $» 

More than 80 of these bekMiged to 

64 the county. 

Buildings burnt. — The number of dwelling-houses burnt in 
Hampshire was not less than one hundred and ten, but m&ny 
of them were small, cheap buildings. The number of bams 
burnt was less. The houses consumed in the three towns 
destroyed, Brookfield, Northfield and Deerfield, may be esti- 
mated at 45 ; Sprinfffield, 33, Westfield, 3, Northampton* 10, 
Hatfield, 16/ Hadley, none, Suffield, some, and Swamp- 

'Hatfield said in a petition, April, 1678, that they had lost firom one-third ta 
•ae-half of their dwelling-houses, the greater part of their kine, sheep and hones» 
and many bams. 


field,* a few. Of the five towns remaining, Hatfield, in 
proportion to her population, suffered the greatest loss of life 
and property. The loss of property by Springfield village, 
separate firom the town, was greater. Hadley lost the least 
property, and Westfield the fewest lives. It is not known 
that Hadley had a single dwelling-house burnt. 

Boston and other places in Massachusetts oflben made gen- 
erous contributions for suffering families, and for the redemp- 
tion of captives. The people of the river towns were kind 
towards the sufierers among them. Connecticut contributed 
liberally for the relief of other colonies in 1676 and 1677. 
The contribution of Windsor in 1676 was equal to 170 bushels 
of Indian com. Connecticut relieved some in Hampshire^ — 
There was much compassion and benevolence m New 

Cost of the War- — ^The disbursements in this war, according 
to the records of the commissioners at Hartford, in Sept. 1678, 
"were as follows : — 

Massachusetts, . . ^46,292 

Connecticut, . . • 23,173 

Plymouth, .... 11,743 


Massachusetts had expended 6 or 7000 pounds on the war 
in Maine. Exclusive of this, each colony had disbursed not 
far from its share. Connecticut refused to aid in defending 
Maine, as it did not belong to Massachusetts when the confed- 
eration was formed. Plymouth paid 1000^ for the eastern 
war. The expenses of war were to be borne by the colonies 
in this proportion : — ^Massachusetts, 100, Connecticut, 60, 
Plymouth, 30. The property destroyed by the Indians, and 
many expenses of towns, are not embraced in the 81,000 
pounds. Bancroft's statement .that ^' the disbursements and 
Tosses equalled half a million of dollars," seems not excessive. 

*The deputies of the General Court, in May, 1680, say that, " of ten towns in 
Htmpshire, ^ye are vrholly dissipated." They include Swampfield or Sunder- 
hiid in the ten towns. There must have been a few buildings there in 1675, 
before the war. 

tTrambuU has a statement that about 600 inhabitants of New England were 
4iln in this war, 12 or 13 towns entirely destroyed, and about 600 building^ 
Wmt In a note, he expresses an opinion that the loss was much greater, 
Beoetary Eawson of Mass. wrote, Jan. 4, 1677 — ** By sending to our several 
Whs, we find 600 families, consisting of SK265 persons, in distress, and yet want 
ivtoiBs from 13 towns." 

Connecticiit lost and suffered much less than other parts of New England. 
<^ bad BO enemies wiUiin her borders, except a few stragglers from other colo- 
^* Her own Indians were helpers and not foes. She performed her do^ 
bononbly as one of the New England confederacy. 


Head-quarters in Hadley. — ^During the war, the head- 
quarters were at the house of Rev. John Russell, and he 
entertained the principal oflScers.* Two requests or petitions 
for pay, in September and October, 1677, were signed by his 
friends, and one of them by his wife Rebecca Russell, but not 
by him. The whole sum charged was then ^78.13.8. They 
say that the '^ chief gentlemen improved in the affairs of the 
war were entertained there, which called for provisions 
answerable, and was of the best to be had."t He had ** to 
draw divers barrels of beer, and much wine, and fruit suitable 
to the company ; and had no more credit for such company 
by the week or meal than other men for ordinary entertaiiH 
ment." "The great cumber, trouble and burden upon his 
wife," are noticed. — ^The account was paid. 

War Taxes in Hampshire. — ^A country rate was one penny 
on every pound of estate in the lists, and Is. 8d. on each poll. 
In 1675, there were 10 country rates ordered ; in 1676, 16 
rates ; in 1677, 9 rates, making 35 country rates laid in three 
years. A few of them were for ordinary expenses. A single 
country rate on the five Hampshire towns, in October, 1675, 
was as follows : — Springfield, ^£26.5.5, Northampton, £22J2A0f 
Hadley, ^18.10.9, Westfield, ^11.16.0, Hatfield, ^8.12.0. 
Each rate was the same in 1676, and apparently nearly the 
same in 1677, but there were some abatements for losses in 
war. The Hadley country rates in three years were 35 times 
^18.10.9, or about 648 pounds, in country pay. The taxes 
were equally heavy in all parts of the colony. 

Colony expenses in Hampshire. — The Hampshire towns, 
especially the upper ones, fed so many troops and horses, and 
furnished so many other things for the army, that they had 
very heavy charges against the colony, and their taxes were 
paid in tins way. Hatfield was allowed ^788 until May Ist, 
1676, Northampton, 697^, and Hadley much more than 
either ; and there were large disbursements by these towns 
for the colony after May 1, 1676, amounting to about SOOjC 

*The two judges, Whalley and Goffe, were undoubtedly at Peter TUton's and 
Lieut. Samuel Smith's during the war. They could not have been concealed at 
Mr. Russell's. 

t Men in office, civil and military, lived well in those days. And the laborinjf 
classes and soldiers had a eood supply of substantial food. The following " esti^ 
mate of what will serve 500 soldiers one month" was made Feb. 15, 1676, by the 
Committee of War. 

15000 biscuit, 20 barrels pork, 30 barrels beef, 1000 pounds of baoon and 1000 
pounds of cheese (or 10 cwts.) 50 bushels Indian com parched and beaten into 
nocake [Indian, nokehick;^ 300 small bags for each man to cany nocake; 
stockinffs and shoes, 200 pairs of each ; shirts and drawers, 100 of each ; 50 waist* 
coats, 100 wallets, 6 barrels powder, 1200 pounds, (or 12 cwts.) of shot, [buUete,] 
2000 flintfi, 300 bushels of oatA and 100 bushels barley, for horses. 


in Hadley and Hatfield. In October, 1680, the sum still due 
to Hadley was ^900, to Hatfield, ^400, and to Northampton 
and the other towns, about ^600. The colony paid the 
£ 1900 before 1684. 

Pay of garrisons. — ^Northampton, Hadley, and Hatfield paid 
tiieir own garrison soldiers in the winter of 1675-6, and until 
May, without the aid of the colony. 

The wages of soldiers in this war were six shillings per 
week in Massachusetts, and food. They received clothmg 
when they remained in service some weeks, or months. The 
flix shillings was in "country pay." The diet or board of 
soldiers was about 5s. per week ; less in some places. 

Match locks and flint locks were both in use when the war 
began, but the latter superseded the former, and few match 
locks were used in 1676. Match locks and muskets with 
rests were not fitted for Indian warfare. The Indians did not 
use match locks, and had not perhaps at any time. They 
were excellent marksmen. 

Friendly Indians. — Connecticut managed Indians more 
wisely than Massachusetts. They were generally pagans, but 
she treated them kindly, and Dep. Gov. Leete wrote in April, 
1676, that no Indians belonging to Connecticut had become 
hostile. In Massachusetts, a great prejudice arose among the 
people against all Christian Indians because a few had proved 
fiilse, and their enmity knew no bounds. Honest and faithful 
praying Indians were falsely accused, insulted, robbed, impris- 
oned, some shot at and wounded and others murdered. There 
was a savage antipathy against all Indians. But whenever 
the Christian Indians were employed in the service, they were 
brave and faithful, and the hatred of the people gradually 
abated, and after April, 1676, the Christian Indian soldiers 
were constantly employed, and performed signal services. 

Noises in the Air. — ^Mather says — " It is certain that before 
thig war brake out, viz. on Sept. 10, 1674, in Northampton, 
Hadley and other towns thereabouts, was heard the report of 
» great piece of ordnance with a shaking of the earth, and a 
considerable echo, when there was no ordnance really dis- 
charged at or near any of those towns.^' 

Such noises in the air have occurred not unfrequently in 
different countries. There is nothing portentous in them. 

Garrison at Quabaug.— This was kept up through the 
ipnng, and perhaps through the summer of 1676. Quarters 
were built for soldiers, who were furnished with provisions 
aod ammunition, carried from Marlborough on the backs of 
horses. Sometimes 15 men conducted 30 horses, and were 
escorted by 20 troopers. In the early part of May, it was 


expected that Hadley and other towns on the river would 
supply the garrison with provisions, to be conveyed on horses 
as before, but for some reason the plan failed at that time. 

Posts traveled between Connecticut River and Boston 
during the war, except in the winter, and were not harmed. 
Nathaniel Warner of Hadley, who came from Brookfield, was 
a post to Boston many times in 1675 and 1676. 

Hadley Mill. — ^It is remarkable that this lonely mill, about 
three miles north of the village, was not destroyed by the 
Indians in 1675 or 1676. The garrison kept there seems to 
have been very small — sometimes only 2, 3 or 4 men. The 
accounts of the attack on the mill, and the parley in 1677^ do 
not agree. Stockwell's Narrative differs from other state- 
ments.* "The burning of the corn-mill by the enemy** is 
noticed in the Hadley records, not elsewhere. 

Doct. William Locke came to Hadley with Capt. Lothrop, 
and was there more than a year, as a physician and surgeon. 
He wrote to Mr. Rawson for medicines for wounded men, 
May 30, 1676 — 6 kinds of emplastrum, 2 or 3 kinds of oil, 
and many other things, and added, " old linen as much as you 
can get." 

The Hadley ferry-men were busy during the war. Soldiers 
were frequently crossing the river, sometimes by hundreds. 
Joseph Kellogg, at the lower ferry, received of the colony in 
1677, 40 pounds for the ferriage of soldiers, and for a team 
lost in the service. Samuel Partrigg, who had the direction 
of the upper ferry, received 20 pounds, Oct. 1677, for ferrying 

Samuel Porter took care of most of the wounded soldiers at 
Hadley, and laid out much for their provision and comfort* 
So says the record of the General Court, September, 1676. 
There was due to him for what he had expended on tilie 
country's account, about 200^. 

Richard Montague baked for the soldiers, and Timothy 
Nash repaired their arms. 

Hadley was not a dull place in the war. The houses were 
often filled to overflowing, companies of soldiers were arriving 
and departing, armed men appeared daily in the broad street, 
and the red flag waved in the breeze. There were various 
scenes and occurrences in those cluttered dwellings, both 
serious and ludicrous. Nothing disreputable is recorded. 

I have intended to confine this history of the war, chiefly 
to the county of Hampshire. 

* Can it be that the women and children that came from Wachuset (page 184) 
are the same that Gookin says were carried awa^ with Wannalancet, ntmi near 
Chehnsford, by a party that came from Canada with those that assailed Hatfield T 




Boondi of Hadlej and Additions— Grant of 1673— Grant of 1683.— Land at the 
Palla— Grant of 175?7— Survey of 1739— Controversy with Hatfield, 1707—1733 
— ^New Houselots — Addition to old Honselots — ^New Street and Lots — Grants 
of land — Skirts of Forty Acres and Hockanum — Fort Eiver Pastures — Hadley 

The General Court determined in October, 1663, that the 
bounds of Hadley, on the east side of the river, should be five 
iniles from their meeting-house place, up the river, five miles 
down the river, and four miles east from the most eastern part 
of the river. The people of Hadley asked for an enlargement 
of their township, at the October session, 1672. They recurred 
to their old diflSculties, — their small divisions of land, the high 
price paid the Indians, the 200^ paid to Mr. Bradstreet, and 
the loss of one-third of their productive land and many of 
their company to make Hatfield. They continued : — 

** The common feeding place* of our working cattle, whereby we carry on onr 
husbandry, is without our town-bounds, and our want of hay ground is sncb 
MB necessitates us to seek out some remote, boggy meadow, either to take hay 
from or carry our cattle to, that wo may keep them alive ; our interval land by 
reason of the high situation of it being seldom flooded, and so not continuing to 
yield grass as in the plantations lower down the river, and as hero formerly." 

They asked for an addition to make their plantation equal to 
8 miles square. They said the greater part of their wood-land 
was " barren pine plain, capable of very little improvement." — 
Rev. John Russell wrote the petition, and 38 persons signed 
it, viz., 

Jf)in Russell 
Peter Tilton 
John Russell, 8r. 
Aaron Cook 
Richard Goodman 
John Crow 
John Dickinson 
Philip Smith 
John Hubbard 
Joseph Baldwin 
Thomas Coleman 
Daniel Hovey 
Francis Barnard 

Thomas Welles 
Timothy Nash 
Samuel Gardner 
Samuel Churcii 
Samuel Moody 
Chileab Smith 
Joseph Baldwin (Jr.) 
Edward Church 
Richard Montague 
Samuel Gardner, Jr. 
William Gaylor 
Joseph Warriner 
Mark Warner 

Isaac Harrison 
William Markham 
Thos. Dickinson 
John Smith 
Samuel Partri^ 
Samuel Porter 
Andrew Warner 
Caleb Watson 
William Lewis 
Nathaniel Dickinson 
Edward Scott 
Henry Clarke 

In General Court, May 7, 1673: — " In answer to the petition of the inhabitants 
of Hadley, for the settlement of the bounds thereof, it is ordered, that their 
bmmda shall run from their meeting-house five miles up the river, five miles down 
the river, and six miles from their meeting-house eastward." 

* Tlieir common feeding place was probably in the present town of Amherst, 
•lid much of it east of the four miles. 



In May, 1683, the selectmen of Hadley, in the name of the 
town, petitioned for an addition to their southern bounds, of 
three miles in width, running four miles east from the river. 
They represented that their young people were straitened for 
want 01 enlargement, and removed to remote places ; and 
*' the inhabitants are shut up on the east and north by a deso- 
late, barren desert," referring to the pine lands. 

In General Coart, May 16v 1683: — " In answer to the petition of the inhabitantB 
of Hadley, the Court iudgeth meet to prrant, as an addition of land, to the town- 
ship of Hadley, four miles square, provided that Major Pynchon may have hia ^re 
hundred acres, part of a former ^ant to him, and formerly taken up within that 
tract ; to be laid out in such form as the selectmen of Hadley and he shall agree* 
and that said land be of the township of Hadley." 

This grant was useless to Hadley while the French and 
Indian wars continued. It was not surveyed until October, 
1716, when John Chandler, Jr. of Woodstock, was employed 
to lay out these 16 square miles or 10,240 acres. The north 
line began on the river, below the mouth of Stony Brook and 
ran eastward, on the old boundary line, 1500 rods ; the east 
line was 1060 rods ; the south line was the boundary of 
Springfield, 1420 rods ; and the western limit was the nver. 
This appears to have been the first measurement of land in 
Hadley, by the aid of the surveyor's compass. Hadley then 
extenaed from Springfield to Sunderland, above thirteen miles. 

At the same time, Mr. Chandler surveyed Maior Pynchon's 
500 acres at the south-west comer of the addition. The 
north line was 460 rods in length, the east line 240 rods, the 
south line, on Springfield border, 180 rods,* and the western 
boundary was the river, running south-easterly, and the great 
falls. In 1726, William Pynchon of Springfield, sold to Joha 
Taylor of Hadley, two-thirds of the nve hundred acres^for 
twenty shillings an acre, in the currency of that day, equal to 
about one dollar and thirty or forty cents. It is probable that 
Taylor purchased the other third. The 500 acres embraced 
the site of the present village at South Hadley Canal,t and 
the water privileges at the falls on the east side of the river. 
For upwards of nfty years, after 1726, the land was occupied 
by the Taylors and others for agricultural purposes ; and the 
water of the river carried a saw-mill. In the fishing season, 
many people resorted to the place, and there was noise and 
bustle, but during most of the year, few dwellings in the 
township were more retired and sequestered than those in this 
nook. There were no freight boats, no shops nor inns ; and 

* I traced portions of the three lines without difficulty in 1648. A part of tho 
north line was uncertain. 

tTbis was written in 184a 


few sounds were heard by the river's side but the roaring of 
the falls and the screaming of the loon. 

In November, 1727, twenty-one persons, who resided south 
of Mount Holyoke, in Hadley, and intended to form a pre- 
cinct there, sent a petition to the General Court, asking for 
the land between the addition laid out in 1715, and the 
equivalent lands, afterwards Belchertown. This tract, called 
four miles long and two wide, or eight square miles, was 
mted. This addition is now the south-eastern part of 
^ranby. The township of Hadley after this grant, contained 
about eighty square miles. 

In April, 1739, Oliver Partridge of Hatfield, was employed 
to survey the township of Hadley, according to the grant of 
1673. He first ascertamed the point or place that was exactly 
fiix miles due east of the old meetins-house, and from that 
point measured north five rsiles and south five miles ; and 
from each extremity of this line of ten miles, he run a line 
directly west to Connecticut River. These three lines, with 
the river, were the bounds of Hadley according to the grant 
of 1673. His south line was 7 miles and 94 rods, east line 
10 miles, and north line 4 miles and 142 rods. A line running 
east from the Connecticut, at the mouth of Mohawk brook, 
long considered the dividing line between Hadley and Sun- 
derland, Mr. Partridge found to be 65 rods too far south at the 
east end, and 50 rods at the west end, and that Sunderland 
possessed 457 acres of laud that belonged to Hadley. Sun- 
derland petitioned against the removal of the old line. In 
December, 1740, the General Court accepted of Mr. Part- 
ridge's plan, with the exception of the north line, which, they 
decided, should remain where it had been, and Hadley was to 
have 457 acres elsewhere, near Sunderland. This equivalent 
was taken up adjoining the Connecticut above the '* fishing 
W" at Deerfield Falls, and was called the " Hadley Farm 
above Sunderland." It was sold by Hadley in 1749.* 

Another contest between Hadley and BLatfield. — ^Hadley 
had another controversy with Hatfield, which continued a 
quarter of a century, or from 1707 to 1733. Several Hadley 

*Wben the bonndaries of Hadley and the other old townships in Hampshire 
*cre definitely established, the direction of the lines was taken by the ma^etic 
*^e, without regard to the true meridian. This was done when the deviation 
jrf the needle from the true north point, was 8 degrees or more, to the westward, 
pit Tariation is readily perceived by examining upon a map the east and north 
^ of the former townsnips of Springfield and Hadley, and the north lines of 
^er townships upon the river. The lines of Mr. Chandler and Mr. Partridge 
^ere according to the compass, without any allowance for the variation of the 
'^le, which in 1739 was about 8 degrees tp the west. It is less now (1848) 
^ the direction of the lines is consequently not the same by the compasii as 


men had removed to Hatfield, and others had sold their lands 
on the west side to Hatfield men, and in 30 or 40 years many 
lots of land in the Ponsets, which had belonged to persons in 
Hadley, were possessed by residents in Hatfield ; yet they 
were a part of Hadlev, and taxed for the benefit of that town. 
The people of Hatfield disliked this state of things, and 
sought for a change. In December, 1707, Hatfield voted to 
search records and consult able lawyers. In May, 1709, they 

Eetitioned the General Court that the river might be the 
oundary between the two towns, and the land on the west 
side pay taxes to Hatfield. The people of Hadley, in August, 
instructed their representative, Daniel Marsh, "to defend 
Hadley against so unjust a petition." The General Court 
heard the parties, Nov. 4, 1709, and " ordered that the petition 
be dismissed, and that it be recommended to the selectmen 
and inhabitants of Hadley, to accommodate their neighbors of 
Hatfield, on consideration of the many advantages Hadley has 
over and above Hatfield." Hadley was not disposed to com- 
ply. Several letters passed between the towns in January and 
February, 1710, and they disputed respecting the advantages 
which Hadley was said to have over Hatfield in the division 
of 1669. Hatfield affirmed that their meadow land was not 
so good as that of Hadley; that tjieir great meadow was 
inferior to any meadow possessed by Hadley ; and that their 
uplands were poor and mountainous, and inferior to those of 
Hadley, the latter having some valuable tracts of upland both 
north and south of Mount Holyoke. As to the agreement of 
1669, Hatfield said that 40 years made a difference in circum- 
stances, and this difference required corresponding changes. 
Hadley, on the other hand, averred that Hatfield had priv- 
ileges in some respects better than those of Hadley ; and they 
thought the agreement of 1669 " ought to be binding on the 
consciences of all good people." 

In May, 1710, Hatfield again requested the General Court 
to make the river the boundary between the towns ; this 
petition was renewed in 1712 and in 1715. Committees were 
appointed in 1715, 1716 and 1718, but nothing decisive took 
place. Hadley strenuously opposed all the efforts of Hatfield. 
A petition was sent by Hatfield in 1730, and after a delay of 
three years, a committee, on the 2d of November, 1733» 
reported that Connecticut River should be the bound between 
Hadley and Hatfield, and their report was accepted by all 
branches the same day. 

Additional Homelots. — The 47 homelots originally laid out, 
were the only ones granted for some years. Three lots granted 
in 1670, were not taken up. In March, 1669, the town gave 


to Joseph Warriner, a houselot 7 rods by 12, " in the middle 
of the street," near the north end, and he built a house and 
bam, and lived upon this lot, until about 1690, when he sold 
to Eleazar Warner for 28 pounds, and removed to Enfield. 

Between the river and the four small houselots at the north 
end of the east tier, the land was used as a street, perhaps 
20 or 30 rods in width or more. In 1672, the town began to 
grant this for houselots and other uses, leaving a highway 
south of the lots. The following grants next to the river 
were made : — 

Ist, or most western lot, to John Preston, 1 acre, in 1679, 

2d, or next lot east, to Joseph Barnard, 2 " 1673, 

3d, ... to Dr. John Westcarr, 2 " 1673, 

4th, .... to Isaac Harrison, 2 " 1672, 

6th, ... to William Gaylord, 2 " 1672, 

6th, .... to Peter Montague, 2 " 1673, 

7th, ... to Henry White, 3 " 1680, 

8th, .... to Isaac Warner, some acres, in 1681, 

extending^ up the river towards Coleman's brook, west of the 

highway to Forty Aci*es. 

One or two houses were built upon these river lots before 
the Indian war, and there were five houses upon this north 
highway which were not included in the palisade. All these 
small lots, on both sides of the highway, were washed away 
by the river more than 100 years since. 

While attacks from the Indians were feared, some small 
houselots were granted in or near the street in 1677, 1678 
ind 1679, viz., to John Preston next to Samuel Gardner's 
houselot; to John Ingram from the town homelot, which 
came back to the town in 1696 ; to Edward Scott, on the 
south side of the south highway into the meadow ; to Quintin 
Stockwell, within the fortification, which he did not occupy. 

Hark Warner, in 16S0, had a grant forty rods long and 
three rods wide, from the middle highway, next to Mr. Rus- 
■ell's houselot, to build on. He removed to Northampton, 
hut he claimed this land, and the town did not allow his 
claim. Their dispute was not at an end in 1712. 

In March, 1679, the town voted to build a house for 
Thomas Webster (or buy an old one,) and set it in the middle 
Wghway into the meadow, on a piece of common land adjoin- 
ipg the pound, and not far from the house William Webster 
lived in. Thomas Webster had been driven from Northfield 
•nd lost his property. William Webster was also poor. 
Two sons of Gov. Webster lived some years in this highway, 
iKar the east end, in small houses built by the town. The 
Doand was near them. One of the buildings long remained 
for a poor family to live in, and was called the town-house. 


Hadley fortunately passed through the war and the ensuing 
years of danger, without disfiguring and obstructing her 
spacious street, by permanent inclosures and buildings. 

Addition to the old Houselots. — The plain upon which 
Hadley village was built, was, like most other terraces or 
levels in the vicinity of Connecticut River, lowest on the side 
farthest from the river. On the east side of tliis plain, next 
to the bank of the higher plain where the middle street is, 
there was low, swampy land, which w^as not included in the 
homelots. In January, 1674, the town permitted the home- 
lots of John Russell, Jr., of the Town, Thomas Wells, John 
Hubbard, Samuel Porter and John Dickinson, to be extended 
" from the rear as now fenced up, to the bank eastward." In 
1675, five or six of those living on the lower part of the street 
were allowed to extend their homelots " to the bank on the 
east side of the swamp," or as it was sometimes expressed, 
" to the hill over the low valley." In Feb. 1675, the town 
sold to Doct. John Westcarr, for 10 pounds, the low land, 
south of the middle highway, in the rear of five homelots, viz., 
those of John Barnard, Andrew Bacon, Nathaniel Stanley, 
Thomas Stanley and John White. It was called 6 acres and 
96 rods, apparently 16 rods by 66. All the east homelots 
were extended to the bank or hill except the five. 

A new Street and new Homelots. — ^In 25 years after the 
planting of Hadley, buildings had not been erected on more 
than four or five homelots, in addition to the first forty-seven. 
The number of families had not much increased ; they were 
near 50 in 1662, and in 1685, they did not exceed 60. Some 
of the first settlers died without children, several returned to 
Connecticut, and a number of young men settled at Hartford, 
Hatfield, and other places. There was, however, a consider- 
able increase of young persons. 

The tract of land east of the old homelots was denominated 
the Pine Plain ; the trees had been cut off, and it was covered 
with brush. In 1679, the town voted to clear it of brush, 
that it might be fit for feeding. In 1682, it was again ordered 
that the pine plain should be cleared. 

On the 12th of February, 1684, the town voted that a tier 
of lots should be laid out upon the pine plain, " excepting or 
sequestering 20 rods in breadth for a highway at the rear of 
the old homelots ; to run from the north end of the town to Fort 
Meadow, and eastward of said way the lots aforesaid to be 
laid out, to begin at Joseph Smith's lot at the north end, and 
run as far as there is common land to the Fort Meadow, 
leaving highways into the woods." A committee of five was 
appointed to lay out the lots. They were lots of eight acres, 
or 16 by 80 rods. 



In 16S7, most of the lots were granted to individualsi on 
condition that they built upon them within three years. 
Another Indian war commenced the next year, and no man 
would build without the fortification. In 1690, the grants 
were renewed and again in 1692. In 1699, after the return 
of peace, 26 lots between the north highway and the Bay 
road, were recorded. Some lots were granted east of these, 
aud provision was made for a highway 16 rods wide, 120 rods 
east of the other. There were other lots of eight acres 
between the Bay road and Fort Meadow. 

Record of tho lots on the Pino Plain, April 5, 1699, boginninffat the north 
higfawaVi and proceeding soathward. Sixteen lots were north, and ten south, of 
the highway wnich was a continuation of the middle highway into the woods. 

1 Luke Smith, 8 acres, irregular, Highway JO rods wide. 

2 Samuel Smith, 80 rods by 16, 17 Daniel Marsh, 80 by 16, 

3 Samuel Porter, •« «• jg Experience Porter, '* 

4 George Stillman, " '' 19 Thomas Selden, " 

5 Joseph Smith, " " 20 John Taylor, " 

6 Wilham Kooker, ** *' Highway 3^ rods in front, and 5 in rear. 

7 Samuel Partrigg, " " 21 John Smith, 80 by 16, 

8 Peter Montague, " ** 22 Nathaniel White, 

9 Ebenezer Smith, *• " 23 Thomas Hovey, 

10 Nathaniel Warner, *' '* 24 Capt. Aaron Cook, 

Highway 8 rods wide. 25 John KeWof^g, 

11 Not granted 1699. Given to John 26 NehemiahDickinson,*' 

Montague, Jr. 1713. 80 by 13j. Road to Brookfield and the Bay. 

12 Samuel Ingram, 80 by 10, 

13 Samuel Boltwood, 80 by 16, 

14 Widow Hannah Porter, 80 by 16, 
IS, 16 Timothy Nash's heirs, 

2 lots, 80 by 32. 

A few frames were put np on this new street, but another 
Indian and French war commenced in 1703, and continued 
ibout ten years, and the street was not inhabited. At the 
end of hall a century from the first settlement of Hadley, the 
inhabitants were confined to the old forty-seven homelots, 
*nd five or six small lots subsequently added. Some of the 
fots had two houses on them, and several houses had two 
fiunilies. About 1713, men began to build houses on the new 
itreet, and in 1720, fifteen families resided in them. 

Qrants of Land. — ^In 1673, a piece of high interval upon 
the Connecticut, having Mill River on the south, and School 
Meadow fence on the north, was in part given to three men, 
ttd in part reserved for the use of the town. In 1699, the 
town's part was given to four persons. The number of acres 
hi this parcel oi land may have been forty or fifty. There 
^^ a saw-mill near the south-east comer in 1696. 

In 1672, the town sequestered for their own use a piece of 
Ittid called 8 acres, at the north end of the upper School 
Keadow. It was used by Rev. Mr. Hopkins, ana perhaps by 
pieceding ministers. The town sold it to Deac. Jason Stock- 


bridge for 500 dollars about 30 or 40 years since. It was 
then swampy and bushy, but is now (1848) a productive 
meadow, containing about 15 acres. 

In 1673, the meadow land north of the preceding lot, and 
a strip of high interval, extending to Sunderland line, west of 
the pine plain, were granted to four men, except one acre and 
a half near the mouth of Mohawk brook, which the proprie- 
tors of Swampfield were allowed to fence in, February, 1675, 
to get good ground for their fence. 

Skirts of f^orty Acres. — ^In March, 1675, the town gave to 
the proprietors of Forty Acre Meadow, liberty to remove their 
fence eastward, and run it round the boggy meadow, and 
under the mountain side, &c. — The addition enclosed within 
this fence, was denominated the Skirts of Forty Acres. The 
Skirts were fully fenced in 1699.* The fence began at Con- 
necticut River south of Coleman's brook, thence ran near the 
bank, round the boggy meadow, upon the hill or plain to the 
stone bridge ; thence on east side of some lots, and upon the 
hills to the saw-mill dam ; and from the saw-mill house on 
the north side of Mill River, to the School Meadow fencOy 
enclosing the interval north of Mill River. The fence from 
the Connecticut round to the saw-mill dam, and thence to the 
School Meadow fence was 935 rods, (estimating the river- 
bank fence and two gates equal to 30 rods.) This was pro- 
portioned among 38 proprietors. The fence was proportioned 
and rebuilt for the fast time in 1748, and was then 739 rods 
to Mill River, and 172 rods from the School grist-mill to the 
School Meadow fence. On the 2d of August, 1753, the pro- 
prietors voted that Forty Acres be no more fed as a common 
field, and notice was given that the General Field was 
dissolved. This field, which bore the name of Forty Acres* 
contained 382 acres. The Skirts had about twice as many 
acres as the Meadow. 

The old ditch which belonged to the Forty Acre fence, 
may still be traced in many places, on the plain, on banks, 
and hill sides. In 1748, there were 166 rods of stone wall in 
this fence. Very few rods of stone wall can now be found in 
Hadley. The fence, after it included the Skirts, twice crossed 
the main road, and all travelers through that part of Hadley, 
had to open and shut two gates. 

The iarm of Charles Phelps, Esq., so much admired by 
President Dwight,t and so well described by him, included a 
large portion of Forty Acre Meadow and Skirts. It is still 

* The committee that desired the town to appoint men to proportion the fence, 
desired also " the presence of God to abide with joa." 

tTrayels in New England, Tol. I., page 357. 


possessed by his son Charles P. Phelps, Esq. and son in law, 
Rev. Dan Huntington, (1848.) 

Hockanum Meadow had its Skirts, of about 140 acres. 
They included the land between the river and meadows on 
the west, and the mountain path, or old Springfield road, on 
the side of Mount Holyoke, on the east. 

Fort Meadow Skirts embraced the swamps and low lands 
east and south-east of the meadow, and separated from it by 
Fort River. They were estimated at 110 acres. 

Fort River Pastures or Swamp. — ^In January, 1682, the 
town gave to the proprietors of Fort Meadow the low land 
" up the river from Fort Meadow fence to Lieut. Kellogg's 
40 acres and above his 40 acres, to make them equal to Forty 
Acre proprietors with their Skirts." The Skirts of Fort 
Meadow were not sufficient for this purpose. " The outlets 
where cattle go over Fort River to feed" were not included 
in the grant, and they were to give allotments to two or three 
persons who were not proprietors. Joseph Kellogg's 40 acres 
were a former grant, near the south end of Spruce Hill, and 
the old road to Brookfield was through this lot. 

This tract of land was laid out to 22 persons in the year 

1699. Three highways were left ; — one 4 rods wide in the 

lower part, one 14 rods wide including the road to Brookfield, 

which was then some rods above where it now is, and one 

three rods wide across Joseph Kellogg's lot, " from hill to 

hill, where the former county road went." The lower lots 

extended across the river and the river valley from the hill on 

one side to the hill on the other, but eleven lots east of 

Spruce Hill, had for their northern boundary, the " Nashaway 

path,'* an old path formerly traveled when the way to Boston 

was through Nashua (Lancaster.) The whole width of all 

the lots was 720 rods, or 2 miles and 80 rods, and the number 

of acres, 251. These pastures extended eastward almost to 

the present road and bndge near Dickinson's tannery. 

Spruce Swamp is the long swamp, west of the bank called 
Spruce Hill. Liots were not permanently granted here till 
1699. Four men had nearly the whole, viz., Samuel Boltwood 
had the northern part ; next south of him was John Smith, 
orphan ; 3d, John Montague ; and 4th, Peter Montague, 2d. 
The latter purchased of the town in 1714, all the southern 
part of Spruce Swamp down to the Log-bridge, near the 
present road to Amherst, for 20 pounds. Much oi this swamp 
^ now valuable land. 

Old Swamp was some distance east of Spruce Swamp and 
^as not extensive. Lands were granted there in 1680 and 
^r. It was some years before they were fenced. 



Partrigg's Swamp and Nut Meadow were east of Mount 
Warner. In 1680, John Warner, from Brookfield, had a grant 
of 20 acres in Partrigg's Swamp, and his son, Mark Warner, 
12 acres. Henry White had 20 acres in Nut Meadow. The 
Warners' lots returned to the town, because they were not 
improved within seven years. White retained his. 

The swamps named Partrigg's, Hubbard's, New, Taylor's, 
and some others, were not appropriated until the Inner 
Commons were laid out. The lots previously granted in some 
of them, came back to the town.* 

The Great Swamp was in the northern part of Hadley, 
stretching into Sunderland. It still remains an extensive 
swamp. In 1714, five lots, recorded as eight acres each, were 
granted on the eastern side of this swamp, beginning where 
the brook from the swamp unites with Mill River, and extend- 
ing northward about half a mile. A sixth lot seems to have 
been added. These lots, or portions of them, were cleared 
and fenced, and used for mowing, and some of them are still 
mowed. In the spring of 1846, some of the lowest, wettest 
lots, presented a fine, green appearance, but the grass was 
mostly sedge. They are in Amherst, westward of the meet- 
ing-house in the north parish. The rest of the Great Swamp 
was a part of the Inner Commons. 

When Hadley had been settled forty years, there were very 
few fenced fields, except the intervals and homelots. For 
many years after 1700, the woods continued to be the main 
pastures. There were a few iuclosures in the swamps and 
skirts. Next to intervals, the swamps were most sought after, 
one hundred and fifty years ago. These produced tall, coarse 
grass, which was needed for hay. Hadley often complained 
of a deficiency of hay-ground. 

Individuals were sometimes allowed to occupy the high- 
ways into the meadow, between homelots, as pastures, on 
condition of making a gate and fence at one end for the town. 
They made another gate and fence at the other end for them- 
selves, and those who passed through these ways, opened and 
shut two gates. 

John Nash, in 1699, was allowed the use of the Middle 
Lane for ten years, if he maintained a gate and fence at the 
west end of the lane. He also kept a gate not far from the east 
end, near the pound. He had the use of the same a second 
ten years. The pound was a few rods west of the end of 
the lane. 

* Some of the lands called swanips in fornier days, wore only moist ground^ 
and are now sufficiently dry. 



Coined Money — ^Taxation in 17th century — Hampshire country rates— War rate* 
and charges in Hampshire — Money rates — How rates were paid — Grain for 
taxes— Hadley rates, 1682 and 1687 — Changes in Hadley. 

The people of New England kept their accounts, and made 
their computations in pounds, shillings, pence and farthings, 
more than 160 years. Their pound at first was the pound 
sterling of England. The English pound of twenty shillings 
originally contained a pound of silver, Troy-weight, but from 
1601 to the present century, a pound, or twelve Troy ounces, 
of standard silver, have been coined into 62 shillings in 
England. When our fathers came from England, the silver 
coins in circulation were crowns, half crowns, shillings, and 
pieces of six pence, four pence, three pence, two pence, one 
penny, and half a penny. There had been silver farthings. 
A crown was five shillings, or one-fourth of a pound, and 
weighed 464i grains. A shilling weighed 92*0 grains, or one- 
fifth as much as a crown. 

Massachusetts began to coin money in 1652, and their mint 

was in operation, at times, more than 30 years. Pieces of a 

shilling, six pence, three pence, and two pence were coined. 

There was a pine tree on one side of the coins, and they are 

sometimes called pine-tree money. The shillings contained 

three pennyweights, or 72 grains, of standard silver, and the 

lesser pieces weighed proportionably. They were current 

throughout New England for a century, and passed readily in 

some other colonies. As the Boston shillings weighed only 72 

grains, while the English shillings weighed 92,*o grains, twenty 

shillings or a pound of the former were equal to only fifteen 

shillings and six pence of the latter ; or 100 Boston pounds 

were equal to 77J sterling pounds. The Boston money was 

22J per cent, lighter than the English money, but of the 

same purity. 

This coinage introduced a new currency into Massachusetts 

which differed but little from the New England currency of 

the 18th century. The new currency was more completely 

^tablished in 1672, when the value of pieces-of-eight, (Spanish 

dollars,) of full weight, was fixed at six shillings, though 

^orth only four shillings and six pence in England. There 

^^ a departure from the English currency in 1642, when 

'ix-doUars and pieces-of-eight were made current at five 

^illmgs, or six pence more than their sterling value. The 

'^ew coins of 1652 made a much greater change, and the 


people of Massachusetts generally ceased to reckon and com- 
pute in sterling money.* Connecticut raised the value of 
pieces-of-eight to six shillings in 1683. 

Dollars. — Those mentioned by Shakspeare and his cotem- 
poraries were German or Dutch coins. The Spanish coins of 
about the same value were seldom named dollars until near 
the middle of the 18th century. In Great Britain and her 
colonies, they were called pieces-of-eight,t because they con- 
tained eight rials, or reals. Rial is a Spanish name for the 
coin worth nine pence or twelve and a half cents. The 
quarter of a piece-of-eight (now 25 cents,) was sometimes 
called a double rial, or two rials. There were half rials, 
similar to the pieces worth six and a quarter cents. 

Our fathers made their shillings lighter than the English, 
for the purpose of keeping them at home, and they forbid 
their exportation. The laws which govern trade had more 
influence than the acts of legislators, and large quantities of 
the new coins were sent to England to pay for goods. The 
balance of trade was always against the colonies, and their 
silver and gold were exported.}: 

Pine-tree coins in Hadley.— -Some men in Hadley collected 
and laid up pine-tree money. John Pjmchon records in his 
accoimt book, that on the 7th of November, 1678, he bor- 
rowed New England money in Hadley, and agreed to pay in 
New England money, in three years, as follows : — 

Of Lieut. Samuel Smith, . . . £ 50.0.0 
" Lieut. Philip Smith, . . . 25.0.0 

" Mr. Pet^r Tilton, . . . 12.0.0 

" Capt. Aaron Cooke, Jr. . . . 10.0.0 

He says he sent the money to Antigua, " to promote the 
design of plantation and sugar work there." A speculation 
in the West Indies. 

* Sterling currency practically ceased some years before 1652, or soon after the 
General C&urt began to fix the prices of grain in 1640. William Prnclioii'i 
accounts in Springfield from 1645 to 1650, were not kept in sterling ; tiie prioei 
at Hartford in those years were not in sterling. 

The error of some, that New England currency did not • supersede that of old 
England until long after 1652, is corrected by Felt in his Account of Mammchn- 
setts Currency, — a oook full of valuable information. 

tFrom their Spanish name. 

t The inventories of some wealthy merchants in Boston show that thej wero 
able to collect considerable sums, and that a large part was pine-tree mon^. 
Heniy Webb, who died in 1660, had in English money, £ 148.6.2 ; Spanisli 
mone^, £328.11.9; New England money, £860.6.2. Heni^ Shrimpton, who 
died m 1666, had in English money, £121.3.6; in Spanish pieces-of-eiffh^ 
£99.8.3; New England money, £483.6.5. Antipas Boyse, who died in 1080, 
had in English money, £ 1.4.0 ; in pieces-of-eight and halves, quarters, &c^ 
£49.5.0 ; in New England money, £230.0.a 


In 17049 by a proclamation of queen Anne, regulating the 
value of foreign coins in the English colonies, pieces-of-eight 
of a certain weight, rix-doUars and French crowns, which 
were valued at four shillings and six pence in England, were 
to pass in the colonies for six shillings each, and halves, 
quarters and less pieces in proportion. Coins at these rates 
were long called " proclamation money." By this order, a 
shilling in the colonies was virtually made equivalent to nine 
pence in England ; and a pound of twenty shillings, to fifteen 
shillings sterling. This differed but little from the value of 
Massachusetts shillings in 1652, and of pieces-of-eight in 1672. 
The proclamation was not much regarded in the colonies ; 
paper money deranged every thing. But whenever there 
was a specie currency in New England, the piece-of-eight, or 
Spanish dollar was valued at six shillings, and it was some- 
times referred to as a standard. Commonly silver at six 
shillings and eight pence per ounce, seemed to be the stand- 
ard. Yet an ounce of such silver as that of the dollars coined 
before 1772, was worth 6s. lOJ d.; was valued at 7s. in 1705. 

Copper Coins. — The English formerly had an aversion to 
copper coins, and used silver farthings and half pence. 
Under Elizabeth and long after, tradesmen and others cast 
lead tokens for change. Some copper farthings and half 
pence were coined under James I., Charles I. and Charles 11., 
and many were issued under William UI., and they became 
abundant under the Georges. But few reached New England 
previous to 1700, and they did not become plenty until 1749, 
^hen money was sent over to repay Massachusetts for the 
expenses of the Louisburiz expedition, including 100 casks of 
corned farthings and half pence, mostly the latter. Massa- 
chusetts, in 1750, ordered that they should pass at the rate of 
three farthings for a penny, and they were of the same value 
in an act of 1784. An English half penny was equal to two- 
thirds of a New England penny. As the English name, half 
peimies, did not express their true value, it was given up, and 
they were called coppers. Merchants' books previous to the 
Involution show that coppers were current at two-thirds of a 

Sny each. The county court sometimes fixed the fare at 
ies in coppers, instead of pence. The prices of many 
snail things were in coppers.* 

*Tbe old coppers, which had for some years been reduced to the value of half 
* pennj, were no long^ to pass as money after a certain daj, in the spring of 
^w. Congress had so ordered. It was an exciting time among the bojs in 


iBppoeed thai the ^ bongtown coppers," as the^ were called in this vicinity, had 
mver cetsed to diculate, but some of them still remun. 


Taxation* in the 17th century. — ^Agricultural products^ pel- 
try, and other commodities, including the Indian shell-beadsy 
called wampum, were the medium of trade in the British 
colonies for a long time. Money was seldom seen, except in 
and about commercial places. From 1640 to 1700, the 
farmers of Massachusetts generally made their purchases, 
and paid their debts and taxes with the produce of their 
farms, and not with the precious metals. Common laborers, 
artificers, soldiers, representatives, school-masters, ministerst 
and magistrates were commonly paid for their services in 
something that was not money. There were exceptions in 
Boston, and some other towns near the coast, especially in 
the latter part of the 17th century. In the remote county of 
Hampshire, gold and silver were more scarce than in other 
parts of the colony. Very small as well as large sums were 
paid in produce. Church-members were under the necessity 
of paying the sacramental charges in wheat.]: 

The produce currency continued until 1702, though par- 
tially interrupted by the colony bills, first issued in 1690 and_ 
1691. The no-money currency was followed by the paper* 
money currency, which continued about half a century. 

Taxes were formerly denominated Rates, and some kinds 
are still so called in England. In Massachusetts, there was 
the Country Rate, similar to the Province and State Tax of 
later times ; the County Rate, to defray county charges ; the 
Town Rate levied to discharge town debts ; and the Minister's 
Rate, which was made and collected by itself. There were 
minor rates, in towns, as the herdsman's rate, the shepherd's 
rate, &c. 

A single country rate was ordinarily an assessment of one 
shilling and eight pence on males over 16 years of age, and of 
one penny per pound on real and personal estate. Each town 
was to make yearlv a list of all male persons over 16, and a 
true estimate of all real and personal estate. Artificers and 
others who had higher wages than common laborers, were to 
be rated accordingly. This system of taxation, in many 
respects, resembled that of the present day. The polb 
paid a larger share of the tax than they now do. 

The expense of the government oi Massachusetts, for 26 
years previous to Philip's war in 1675, averaged between 1800 

*Felt*s " statistics," Vol. L, give a History of Taxation in Massachusetts. 

tin 1657, all the ministers in old Suffolk coonl^, except those of Boston, were 
paid in grain, other produce and labor, viz., the ministers of Boxbiny, Dorchorter, 
Braintree, Hingham, Wejmonth, Dedham and Medfield. 

tThe Northampton church voted in 1666 that each member should ooatribnte 
towards the charge of the sacrament, three half pecks of wheat for a year. 


and 2000 pounds a year, according to treasurers' accounts 
which remain. The greater part was paid in grain and other 
commodities, at provision pay prices. The expense of the 
Indian war was equal to that of 25 years of peace. From 
1681 to 1685, the yearly expenditure was between 3000 and 
4000 pounds, partly occasioned by the war. A small duty or 
impost on wines, strong waters and some other imported 
articles aided in defraying the public expenses. 

Early country rates in Hampshire. — In 1657, Springfield was rated in a single 
cmmtiy rate, £ 12.15.7, and Northampton, £9.9.9; in 1658, Springfield, £ 12.2.3, 
and Northampton, £12.2.3. In those years, one country rate and one-fourth were 
leYied. The freight of the grain, paid by the colony, amounted to near one-third 
of the rates. 

Hadley first appeared in the country rate in 1662. The single rate of that 
town was £21.14.0, Northampton, £21.15.0, Springfield, £16.14.0. One-fourth 
was added to these sums for a quarter rate. It cost the colony, £ 4.16.9 to con- 
vey the grain of the Hadley rate to Boston. In 1663, Hadley agreed with the 
treasurer, to deliver the wheat for the rate in Hartford, at 5s. 6d. per bushel. 

Hampshire rates. 1669-70. 1674. 1675 and 1676. 

Springfield, £ 18.19.2 £ 26.13.2 £ 26.5. 5 

Northampton, 23. 1.1 23. 8.6 22.2.10 

Hadley, 25. 0.8 18. 2.5 18.10.9 

Wcstfield, 12.11.7 11.16.0 

Hatfield, 10.17.2 8.12.0 

Brookfield, 5. 0.6 

These towns paid so much on a single rate in these years. Hadley in J 670, 
before Hatfield was set off, was rated higher than Northampton, Springfield, 
Concord, and Hingham ; and almost as high as Roxbury and Dedham. 

War Rates and Charges in Hampshire. — See page 190. — 
10 country rates were laid in 1675, 16 in 1676, 9 in 1677, 
3 in 1678, 6 J in 1679, and 4 in 1680, or 47 J rates in 6 years. 
These rates were levied on nearly all the towns in the colony. 
31 of them were money rates, to be paid in silver. About 
36 rates were rendered necessary by the war. The Hadley 
country rates in 6 years were not less than 870 pounds. 

The charges of the people of Hampshire against the colony, 
fcr Bupplies and services in the war, allowed by the govem- 
tttent, are believed to have exceeded 5000 pounds, in country 
pty. The charges of Hadley exceeded 2000 pounds. The 
•pm of 1900 pounds due to the county in Oct. 1680, is not 
rightly proportioned on page 190. The sum due to Hadley 
^Wtt about 1100 pounds, Hatfield, 450, Northampton, 200, 
Wertfield, 140, Springfield, less than 10. 

The disbursements for the war, by the three colonies, on 
page 189, were estimated as money. 

Money Rates. — The government of Massachusetts borrowed 
nxmey to carry on the war, and purchased Maine for 1250 
poonds in money.* Agents in England must have money, 

'However cheap this may seem, it was a dear bargain to Massachusetts. 


and there were other calls. Some rates, payable in silver, 
were ordered in 1677 and in succeeding years. These money 
rates did not trouble the Hampshire towns which the colony 
owed, but when the silver was actually demanded of any 
town, there was a great outcry. SpringiSeld, in May, 1686, 
sent a petition, against the payment of rates in money. They 
said it was impossible to procure money, and desired the 
General Court to consider their remoteness from the Bay, and 
give them liberty to pay their country rates in corn, as for- 
merly, " and no more require money of your moneyless peti- 
tioners." SuflSeld sent a doleful petition at the same time : — 
" We are forced to cry out, have pity on us, have mercy on 
us, forgive our last year's money rates. Oh, do not distress 
us, do not distract your poor petitioners. Do not, for char- 
ity's sake, enjoin us to pay one penny more in money. Let it 
be enough for us to pay in corn, when we can raise it." The 
Court gave to these two towns liberty to pay money rates in 
com at two-thirds of the country pay prices. The deputies 
of Northampton and Hadley, Joseph Hawley and Samuel 
Partrigg, immediately requested the same liberty for all the 
other towns " in the remote county of Hampshire." The 
deputies granted it, but the magistrates refused, at that time. 
— ^In December, 1694, Hatfield chose two men, to join those 
from other towns in the county, at Springfield, and petition 
against money rates, " money not being to be had here." 

How Rates were paid in Hampshire, in the 17th century. 

The County Rate was paid in grain, like that of the colony, 
and at the same price. 

The Minister's Rate, payable in grain at town prices, was 
given to the constable to collect. He had the accounts of those 
who had during the year paid the minister wholly or partly 
in grain, meat, labor, or in any other way. He went to the 
inhabitants, and received the balance of the rate in grain, and 
carried it to the minister. There was no delay ; the collec- 
tion was completed in a short time, and the grain was depos- 
ited in the chamber of the minister. Chambers were the 
granaries in those days. The minister sent some of the grain 
to Boston to pay for books and goods. The old custom 
among ministers, of subsisting at each other's houses in their 
joumeyings, was necessary as well as convenient. They had 
plenty of eatables, and could easily entertain a brother minis- 
ter and his wife and others, but many of them had not money 
to pay inn-keepers. 

Town Rates were levied to pay the deputies' expenses, a 
part of the school-master's wages, for building bridges, killing 



wolveSy riDging the bell, and many other services done for the 
town. No money was paid, and there was no town treasurer, 
and nothing for one to do. 

In Hadley, when a town rate was made, there was another 
paper with the names of all whom the town owed, and the 
8am due to each. The selectmen or constable made an 
adjustment with each person. If a man's credit was consid- 
erably more than, his tax, his own rate was taken out, and 
those of some others with whom he had agreed, and the bal- 
ance was paid to him in grain. Those who had little or no 
credit, paid their rates in grain, and by making turns with 
others whom the town owed. Thus the town rate was paid 
and the town debts discharged witliout much delay. 

It may be well to give some examples of the manner of 
paying town debts without money. 

In 1681, Hadlej owed Lieut. Philip 
Smith £ 9.17.10. He received his pay 
as follows : — 

His own rate, £1.11. 3 

Part of Qoodman Nash's rate, 10. 9 

Kathamel Smiths*s rate, 2. 1 

Put of John Dickinson's rate, 1. 8 

Joseph Baldwin, Jr's rate, 7. 3 

Part of Capt. Cook's rate, 6. 

Bamnel Northam's rate, 4. 2 

PSrt of Samuel Barnard's rate, 5. 1 

Part of Wm. Webster's rate, 2. 

16i bushels peas at 2s. 6d. 2. I.IU 

31 " sum. wheat at 3s. 10. 6 

10 " winterwheatat3s.3d. 1.12. 6 

181 " Indian com at 2s. i.l7. 

More peas, 5.10 

In 1684, the town owed Lieut Sam- 
uel Smith £6.9.9, and paid him : — 

In his rate, 

Nehemiah Dickinson's rate, 

William Hooker's rate, 

In com (srain,) 

By John Smith, 

£1.13. 8 

1. 7. 4 



I 0. 51 

6. 9. 9 


In 1681, the town owed Samuel Bolt- 
wood £3.16.3. He was paid in the 
■one manner. 

Br his own rate, £ 0.12.1 

ffis fiither Bomvood's rate, 0. 2. 7 
Ptet of rate on Lewis's land, 4. 8 
JoKph Baldwin, sr's rate, 5.J1 

Part of Joseph Hovey's rate, 5. 8 

Pirt of Elieser Hawks' rate. 3. 3 

Pat of Thomas Dickinson's rate, 3. U 
Piid Samuel Partrigg for S. B. 15. 
Beeordinff for S, B. 0. 4 

lllhoshels Indian com at 28. 1. 3. 

In 1700, the town owed Widow 
Mary Church 30 shillings and pud 
her :— 

By her own rate, 
Part of Samuel Smith's rate, 
Moses Cook*8 rate, 
Samuel Church's rate, 
Stephen Taylor's rate, 
Josiah Church's rate. 
Part of Jos. Church's rate. 
Part of Samuel Partrigg's rate. 


3.16. 3 

The rates and debts in Hatfield were settled in the same 
way by grain and by exchanging debts against the town for 
'^tea against individuals. Things were not very different in 
*nie other parts of the colony. 



The town debts of Hadley continued to be balanced by 
grain until 1707, or later. In 1709, they were adjusted with 
money, that is, province bills. The people of Hampshire had 
had some pine-tree shillings, Spanish rials and pieces-of-eieht, 
wampum, and perhaps a Tew colony bills, but their principal 
currency, since the settlement of these towns, had been the 
valuable but cumbrous products of their lands. That the 
paper money was a great relief to them afjter 1702, may be 
readily conceived. Yet after some years, the value of the 
bills was greatly lessened by excessive issues, and much 
mischief was produced. 

The industrious and frugal people of Massachusetts were 
moderately prosperous, both under the No-money Svstem, 
and the Too-much-money System, when not oppressed with 
the burdens and calamities oi war. 

Grain* for taxes in the 17th century. — See page 102. — The 
prices fixed by Massachusetts and Connecticut for grain, when 
received for country rates, were much higher than the prices 
paid for grain in money. In most of the last twenty-three 
years of the century, in Massachusetts, and of the last twenty, 
m Connecticut, one-third of the tax of every person that paid 
in money, was to be abated. The country prices of grain 
reduced one-third, were accounted money prices, or "pay as 
money," but were not real cash prices ; they were in Massa- 
chusetts, as follows : — wheat, 3s. 4d., barley, malt, peas and 
rye, 2s. 8d., Indian corn, 2s.; and in Connecticut, wheat, 
2s. 8d. to 38., peas and rye, 2s., Indian com. Is. 8d. 

The town prices for grain in Northampton, Hadley and 
Hatfield, for the payment of the town and minister's rates, 
were quite as low as the Massachusetts prices reduced one- 
third. And the money prices for grain in these towns were 
about twenty-five per cent, lower. There were so few money 
transactions in Hampshire, that the real value of grain in 
silver can hardly be ascertained. Wheat, at 28. 6d., peas and 
rye, at 2s. and Indian corn, at Is. 4d., were sometimes called 
money prices in Hadley. 

Madam Knight of Boston, who was in Connecticut in 1704, 
noticed three kinds of pay and corresponding prices : — 1st, pay, 
which was grain, pork, &c. at prices set by the General 
Court ; 2d, pay as money, which was pay aforesaid, one-third 
cheaper than the prices set by the assembly ; 3d, money, as 

Eieces-of-eight, rials, Boston or Bay shillings, and Indian 
eads. The knife of a trader was 12 pence in pay, 8 pence 
in pay as money, and 6 pence in money. 

*Com was the word used by our fathers for English ^ain, including peas, 
it still is in England. The word grain, is not found in the Hadley records 
before 1692. 



HADLET RATE, for building Fort Biver Bridge in 1681. The rate was 
made in Jannaij, 1681-2. The 79 names of persons taxed are those of the heads 
of fiunilies, a rcw unmarried men, and some non-resident land-holders. The 
number of families did not exceed 60. The tax on a poll was 2s. 3d. The six 
highest taxes were those of Samuel Porter, Philip Smich, Samuel Partri^g, Aaron 
Cooke, Chileab Smith, and Peter Montague. The 23 lots on the east side of the 
street, omitting the small ones at the north end, and the 20 lots on the west side, 
as ori^nally mnted, (see page 32,) are here numbered, from the top, on the 
east side, ana from the bottom, on the west side, and most of the occupants in 
*1681 can be found. Many changes had taken place, and a number of the lots 
were oocupied by tenants. 

North lots. s. 

Bobert Boltwood, 2 

Simon Beaman, 3 

Henry White, 8 

John Hayley, 2 

Joseph Warriner, 3 

East side of street. 

1 Samuel Partrigg, 29 

2 Peter Montague, 25 
John Smith, 

3 John Warner, 8 

4 Lt PhiUp Smith, 31 

5 John Montague, 14 
Joseph Smith, 3 

6 Jobn DickinsA, 11 
" 7 Samuel Porter, 38 

8 Samuel Northam, 4 
Samuel Belding, sr. 14 

9 John Hubbard, 6 

10 Town lot. 

11 Mr. John Bussell. 

Middle highway. 

12 Samuel Barnard, 8 

13 Joseph Hovey, 16 

14 David Hoite, 4 

15 Samuel Lane, 5 
Timothy Wales, 4 

16 Nathaniel White, 18 

17 Mr. Peter TUton, 17 

18 Mark Warner, 5 
** Nathaniel Warner, 5 

Lewis Land, 16 

19 Widow Goodman, 21 

20 Capt Aaron Cooke, 29 
Andrew Leavens, 2 

21 Thomas Hovey, 6 
Thomas Elgarr, 2 

22 Nehemiah Dickinson, 19 
John Boberts, 2 

23 Samuel Smith, 17 
Edward Scott, 2 


Thomas Dickinson, 1 1 

Nathaniel Dickinson, 1 

Edward Church, 12 

Daniel Warner, 2 












West side of street. s. 

1 Lt. Joseph Kellogg, 20 
" Joseph Kellogg, Jr. 2 

2 Thomas Hale, 11 
" William Markham, 10 
" William Booker, 5 

School Lot, (N. Ward*s.) 

Samuel Moody, 20 

Jonathan Marsh, 14 

" Daniel Marsh, 23 

Thomas Croft 3 
Wm. Goodwin's lot. 

John Taylor, 12 

8 Timothy Nash, 22 
John Goodman, 2 

9 John Marsh, sr. 16 

10 Andrew Warner, 7 
" Jacob Warner, 10 

11 Stephen Terry's lot 





John Kelloffg, 
" j3se'e 

12 Henry Clarke's land. 

Middle highway. 

Wm. Webster, 
Thomas Webster. 

13 Joseph Selding, 
" Thomas Selding, 

14 Samuel Church, 
Martin Kellogg, 

15 Eliczer Hawks, 
" Gershom Hawks, 

16 Joseph Barnard, 
Francis Barnard, 
Goodwife Barnard, 
Nathaniel Smith, 
Samuel Boltwood, 
Isaac Warner, 

18 Joseph Baldwin, sr. 

" Widow of J. Baldwin, 

19 Chileab Smith, 

20 John Ingram, 
John Gardner, 
John Preston, 


John Cowles, 
Philip Bussell, 
Thomas Loomis, 






































Jr. 7 











On the record, the sum total of the 79 rates is £ 41.14.8. Not quite correct. 
I added those names and lots that have no tax against them. 



HADLET RATE, for the town debts of 1686^ made in the early part of 1687. 
The number taxed was 82. The families had not increased in five years, and did 
not exceed 60. The tax on polls was 28. Id. The homelots are numbered as in 
1681-2. In placing the names on the old town rates, they began with those that 
lived at the north end, came down on the east side of the street, and went up on 
the west side. The names were arranged as the people lived, or by house-row. 

North lots. 

Joseph Smith, 
Simon Beaman, 
Isaac Warner, 
John Hayley, 

East side of the street 

1 Samuel Partrigg, 

2 Peter Montague, 
John Smith's heirs, 

3 John Smith, 

" Samuel Smith, son of Ph. 

4 Widow of Ph. Smith, 
" Philip Smith, 

Mr. Qeorge Stileman, 

5 Widow of R. Montague, 
" John Montague, 

Thomas Cron, 

6 John Dickinson, 

7 Samuel Porter, sr. 

8 Hezekiah Porter, 

9 Daniel Hubbard, 

10 Town lot. 

11 Mr. John Russell, 















Middle Highway. 

12 Samuel Barnard, 

13 Bacon's lot 

14 John Smith, son of Philip, 

15 Samuel Porter, Jr. 

16 Nathaniel White, 
Nathaniel Goodwin, 
Joseph Chamberlain, 

17 Mr. Peter Tilton, 
John Lawrence, 

18 Lewis land, 

19 John Groodman, 

20 Capt. Aaron Cooke, 
Andrew Leavens, 

21 Thomas Hovey, 

22 Nehemiah Dickinson, 

23 Samuel Smith, sr. 

" Mrs. Dorothy Russell, 

Toung men. 

Thomas Coleman, 
Thomas Elgarr, 
Simon Smitn, 
Eleazar Warner, 







































West side of the street s. d. 

1 Lieut Jos. Kellogg, 18 1 
" Edward Kellogg, 2 1 
" Martin Kellogg, 2 7 

2 Thomas Hale, 10 9 
«* WiUiam Markham, 9 9 

3 School lot. 
John Kellogg, 7 
Samuel Moody, 20 4 
Jonathan Marsh, 16 2 
Daniel Marsh, 26 11 
Wm. Goodwin's lot. 
John Taylor, 12 1 

8 Timothy Nash, 24 6 

9 John Marsh, ^1 1 1 

10 Widow of And. Warner, 10 
" Jacob Warner, 10 11 

11 Widow of R. Groodman, 5 7 

12 Henry Clark's lot 

Middle Highway. 

13 Joseph Selding, 9 
** Thomas Selding, 8 

14 Widow of Saml Church, 14 

15 G^ershom Hawks, 7 

16 Francis Barnard, 13 

17 Samuel Boltwood, 12 
Nathaniel Smith, 2 
Wm. Rooker, 
Joseph Hovey, 

18 Joseph Baldwin, (3d,) 
" Widow Baldwin, 

19 ChUeab Smith, 
" Sam. Smith, his son, 

20 John Ingram, 
Samuel Gardner, 
Nathaniel Warner, 
John Preston, 
Joseph Warriner, 


Eliezer Hawks, 3 11 

Thos. Dickinson, 9 , 10 

Mr. Jonathan Russell, 9 ' 5 

John Hawks, 2 ] 

Daniel Warner, 6 9 

Edward Church, 11 

John Cowles, 2 10 

Nathaniel Dickinson, 2 10 

Samuel Belding, sr. 13 6 



15.. 11 




The aggregate of this tax is recorded as iC 4 1.8.2. Not quite exact 

The rate for the debts of 1686, is the last thkt can be found for a great number 
of years. This and some preoedine rates were recorded by Samuel Partrigff. 
Hia plain, legible hand ceases at Hadley in 1687. He removed to Hatfield. His 
son Samuel resided in Hadley. 


Changes in Hadley. — ^Notices follow of some of the changes in the owners and 
occu}kiers of homelots in Hadley, from 1G63 to 1687. The names of the proprie- 
tors in 1663 are on page 32. The names of owners and dwellers in 1681 and 
1667, are in the lists of persons taxed, on pages 211 and 212. Many homelots 
remained in the same family till after 1687 ; these in general arc not noticed. 

The north dwellers. 

Bohert Boltwood was at the mill in 1681, but was not taxed for the mill. John 
Clary was at the mill in 1684. Joseph Smith, cooi>er, began to have the care of 
the miU, Nov. 1687. 

Isaac Harrison built a house on his lot next to the river. His widow married 
Henry White, who lived in the same house some years, but removed to Doer- 
field. Joseph Smith boiight the house and lot, 1685, for 33 pounds. 

William Gaylord, in 1672, bought for 20 pounds, the western lot of the four, 
adjoining Partrigg's houselot on the north, with a house. It was a triangular 
lot, first panted to Adam NichoUs, and contained three acres. Two acres, on 
paffe 38, is a mistake. Gaylord's widow married John Haley. This houselot 
Deionged to the Gaylords for a long time. 

John Taylor had the lot next east, (and not John Ingram, as on page 32.) He 
sold the lot and house to Doct. John Westcarr, and bought John Webster's 
homestead. Doct Westcarr's widow married Simon Beaman ; they removed to 
Deerfield, and George Stileman, or Stillman, bought the lot and house in 1687. 

John Ingram had the lot east of Taylor's, and retained it, but he bought a part 
of Samuel Gardner's place, and lived there. 

William Pixley haa the lot east of Ingram's. He removed to Northampton, 
and the lot lonfj^ remained without a resident. 

Joseph Wamner had a lot in the street, near the north end. 

East side of the street. 

Peter Montague married the widow of Noah Coleman, and lived on the Cole- 
man houselot. 

John Warner from Brookfield, lived some years on Lt. Samuel Smith's lot 
In 1687, John Smith, orphan, son of John Smith who was slain in 1676, and 
Samuel Smith, son of Philip, owned the lot, and lived on it. 

Joseph Smith lived on John Dickinson's lot from 1681 to 1685, and Thomas 
Croft, m 1687. This second John Dickinson removed to Wethersfield. 

T^e widow of Thomas Wells married Samuel Beldingof Hatfield, and he was 
taxed %i her estate. Samuel Northam bought half the houselot. He removed 
to Deeffield, and Samuel Porter bought this half and Hezekiah Porter lived on 
it, 1687. Widow Porter bought the other half of the Wells lot. 

John Hubbard removed to Hatfield, and his son Daniel lived on his place in 

The town houselot was vacant, 1681 and 1687. 

Mr. Bussell was taxed in 1687. 

Samuel Barnard had of his father, Francis B., the lot that had h^en John 

The Bacon lot and the two Stanley lots were long occupied by tenants. John 
Smith, son of Philip, owned Nathaniel Stanley's lot in 1686. Samuel Porter 
owned Thomas Stanlev's lot, and his son Samuel lived on it in 1686. Some 
years later, Lieut. Nehemiah Dickinson purchased Andrew Bacon's lot The 
tenants, Joseph Hovey, David Hoyt, Samuel Lane and Timothy Wales removed. 
Hcryt went to Deerfield and Lane to Suffield. Perhaps Hovey was an owner for 
a tune. 

Mark and Nathaniel Warner, sons of John W., appear to have lived some 
jean in the house of William Lewis, he having removed to Farmington. Mark 
settled in Northampton. Daniel Marsh seems to have purchased the Lewis lot 

Thomas Hovey purchased Thomas Dickinson's houselot in 1679. Dickinson 
removed to Wethersfield. 

Samnel Smith, son of Rev. Henry Smith of Wethersfield, lived on the lot of 
Ids mother, the widow of John Russell, sr. 

West side of the street. 

Thomas Hale had a part of Markham's houselot, havine married one of Mark- 
liam's daiighters. He removed to Enfield.— William Rooker lived on Markham's 
lot and elsewhere. 


Nathaniel Ward's house was occupied by the Hopkins School, and sometimea 
had a family in it John Kellogg seems to have lived in this honse some time. ^ 

John Crow removed to Hartford. Jonathan and Daniel Marsh porchased his 
lot Some years after, Daniel lived on the lot of his father, John Marsh. 

William Goodwin removed to Farmington. John Crow had his houselot, and 
his son Samuel Crow lived on it ; Samuel's two children, Samuel and Mary, had 
the lot. 

John Taylor bought John Webster's houselot. 

The widow of Richard Goodman owned the lot that had belonged to her father, 
Stephen Terry. 

Henry Clarke's lot was purchased by Bev. John Bussell. Was sold l^ 
Bev. Jonathan Bussell to Aaron Cooke. 

William and Thomas Webster lived in small houses in the middle highway. 

Edward Church removed to Hatfield. Sold his houselot to Joseph and Thomaa 
Selding, or Selden, sons of Thomas Selding of Hartford, deceased. 

Eleazar Hawks removed to Deerfield. G^shom died in a few years. Nathaniel 
Kellogg bought the Hawks lot. 

Joseph Barnard, who had lived with his father, Francis B., removed to Deer- 
field. " Goodwife Barnard" had been wife of John Dickinson and owned some 
of his estate. 

Isaac Warner lived on a comer of Boltwood^s lot many years. Was taxed aft 
the north end in 1687. He removed up the river. 

John Ingram owned a part of Samuel Gardner's lot 

John Preston had a small lot and house adjoining Gardner. 

Most of the non-residents that were taxed, resid^ in Hatfield. 

These heads of families remained in Hadley a few years, and removed befora 
1687, viz., James Beebce, Edward Grannis, Mr. John Tounglove, John Catlin 
and John Clary, Jr. John Lawrence resided in Hadley some years, and removed 
after 1687. A single man named Thomas Aacy lived in Hadley some years. 


Generals Whalley and Goffe — ^Hutchinson's Account — ^President Stiles's Hlstoiy 

— ^The Bussell house and the Judges' chamber. 

The appearance of Gen. Goffe at Hadley, Sept. 1, 1676, 
when the Indians attacked the place, is noticed on pages 
146^147, with some remarks of President Stiles. His sup- 
position, that the people in the meeting-house were "suddenly 
surrounded and surprised hj a body of Indians," must be 
unfounded. The Indians, with a defenceless village a mile in 
length before them, would not have surrounded a building 
which contained thirty or forty armed men. The attack was 
undoubtedly upon the outskirts of the town, probably at the 
north end. The approach of the Indians may have been 
observed by Goffe irom his chamber, which had a window 
towards the east. There is no reason to believe that there 
was a very large body of Indians, but the people, being 
entirely unaccustomed to war, needed Goffe to arrange and 
order tiiem. The Indians appear to have fled, ^fter a short 


Edward Whalley was brought up to merchandize. When 
the contest began between king Charles and the parliament, 
he, in middle life, took up arms in defence of the liberty of 
the subject, and distinguished himself in many sieges and 
battles. He was a cousin of Oliver Cromwell. Noble says, 
" from a merchant's counter, to rise to so many and so high 
offices in the state, and to conduct himself with propriety in 
them, sufficiently evinces that he had good abilities, nor is his 
honesty questioned by any." 

William Goffe was a son of Rev. Stephen Qoffe, a puritan 
divine, rector of Stanmore in Sussex. He left the counter 
when a young man, repaired to the parliament army, and his 
meht raised him to be a colonel of foot, and afterwards a 
general, and a member of parliament. His wife who was 
Wballey's daughter, he left in England, and he kept up a 
constant correspondence with her while in exile m New 
England. His last letter to her is dated at Hadley in 1679. 

Both Whalley and Goffis were of the sixty-seven judges who 
passed sentence upon king Charles I. and of the fifty-nine who 
signed his death warrant, Jan. 29, 1649. When the restora- 
tion of Charles H. was determined, they found it necessary to 
escape from England. 

Governor Hutchinson was in possession of Goffe's diary and 
his papers and letters, which had long been in the library of 
the Mathers in Boston. Hutchinson was a tory, and his house 
was rifled by a mob in 1765, and the Journal of Goffe and 
other papers relating to the judges are supposed to have 
been destroyed. From them, he had publisned in 1764, a 
short Account of Whalley and Goffe, in his first volume 
of the History of Massachusetts. Some extracts are sub- 
jomed : — 

**In the ship which arrived at Boston from London, the 27th of July, 1660, 

^^came passeng^ers. Colonel Whalley and Colonel Ooffe, two of the late King's 

;[^^. Colonel Goffe brought testimonials from Mr. John Row and Mr. Seth 

Wsod, two ministers of a chiurch in Westminster. Colonel Whalley had been a 

■Wttber of Mr. Thomas Goodwin's church. Goffo kept a journal or diary, from 

"8 day he left Westminster, May 4, until the year 1667; which together with 

'^mi other papers belonging to him, I have in my possession. Almost the 

'^ is in characters, or short hand, not difficult to decypher. The story of 

y*^ persons has never yet been published to the world. They did not attempt 

^ oonceal their persons or characters when they arrived at Boston, but immeai- 

Ij^went to the Governor, Mr. Endicot, who received them very courteously. 

^^ were visited by the principal persons of the town ; and among others, they 

^ notice of Colonel Crown's coming to see them. He was a noted Royalist. 

^Wwmgh they did not disguise themselves, yet they chose to reside at Cambridge, 

tTJllage about four miles distant from the town, where they went the first oay 

■•y arrived. They went publicly to meetings on the Lord's day, and to occa- 

*^ lectures, £ut8, and thanksgivings, and were admitted to the sacrament, 

■■d tttended private meetings for devotion, visited many of the principal towns, 

?*d were frequently at Boston ; and once when insulted there, the person who 

*"«»Hed them was bound to hw good behavior. They appeared grave, serious 


and devout ; and the rank they had sustained commanded respect Wballey had 
been one of Cromweirs Lieutenant-Generals, and Goffe a Major-GteneraL The 
reports, by way of Barbadoes, were that all the Judges would be pardoned Iral 
seven. \Vhen it appcATcd that they were not excepted, some of the principal 
persons in the Government were alarmed ; pity and compassion prevailed with 
others. They had assurances from some that belonged to the General Court, 
that they would stand by them, but were advised by others to think of removing. 
The 22d of February, 1661, the Governor summoned a Court of Assistants, to 
consult about securing them, but the Court did not agree to it. finding it 
unsafe to remain any longer, they left Cambridge the 26th following, and arrived 
at New Haven the 7th of March, 1661. One Captain Breedan, who had aeea 
them at Boston, gave information tliereof upon his arrival in England. A few 
days after their removal, a hue and cry, as they term it in their diary, was 
brought by the way of Barbadoes; and thereupon a warrant to secure them 
issued, the 8th of March from the Governor ana Assistants, which was sent to 
Springfield and other towns in the western part of the colony ; but they were 
beyond the reach of it." 

The Governor adds in a long marginal note, *' They were well treated at Nefw- 
Haven by the ministers, and some of the magistrates, and for some days seemed 
to apprehend themselves out of danger. But the news of the King's prodaniA* 
tion Doing brought to New-Haven, they were obliged to abscond. The 27th ef 
March they removed to Milford, and appeared there in the day time, and made 
themselves known ; but at night rotumeu privately to New-Haven, and lay ooo- 
cealed in Mr. Davenport the minister's house, until the 3(lth of April. About this 
time news came to Boston, that ten of the Judges were executed, and tho Grov- 
emor received a royal mandate, dated March 5. 1660-61, to cause Whalley and Gofie 
to be secured. This greatlv alarmed the country, and there is no doi]d>t that tks 
court were now^ in earnest m their endeavors to apprehend them : and to avoid 
all suspicion, they gave commission and instruction to two young merchanli 
from Kngland, Thomas Kellond and Thomas Kirk, zealous roy^ists, to go 
thi-ough tue colonies, as far as Manhados, [New York] in search of them. They 
had friends who informed them what was doing, and they removed from Mr. Da- 
venport's to the house of William Jones, where they lay hid until the 11th of 
May, and then removed to a mill, and from thence, on the 13th into the woods, 
where they met Jones and two of his companiouH, Sperry and Burril, who fint 
conducted them to a place calle<l Hatchet-Harbour, where they lay two nights, 
until a cave or hole in the side of a hill was prepared to conceal them. This hili 
they called Providence-Hill : and there they continued from the 15th of May to 
the lith of June, sometimes in the cave, and in very tempestuous weather, in a 
house near to it. During this time the messengers went tnrough New-Haven to 
tho Dutch settlement, from whence they returned to Boston by water. They 
made diligent search, and had full proof that the regicides had been seen ii 
Mr. Davenport's, and offered great rewards to English and Indians who should 
give information, that they might be taken ; but by the fidelity of their three 
mends they remained undiscovered. Mr. Daveni)ort was threatened with being 
called to an account, for concealing and comforting traitors, and might well be 
alarmed. They had engaged to surrender, rather than the country or any pap> 
ticular persons should suffer upon their account : and upon intimation of Mr. l)ar 
venport's danger, they generously resolved to go to New-Haven, and deliver 
themselves up to the authority there. They let the Deputy-Governor, Mr. Leeto 
know where they were ; but he took no measures to secure them ; and the next 
dav some persons came to them to advise them not to surrender. Having pub- 
licly shewn themselves at New-Haven, they had cleared Mr. Davenport from the 
suspicion of still concealing them, and the 24th of June went into the woods 
again to their cave. They continued there, sometimes venturing to a house near 
the cave, until the 19th of August — when the search for them being prettv well 
over thev ventured to the house of one Tomkins, near Milford meeting-honse, 
where they remained two years, without so much as going into the orchard. 
After that, they took a little more liberty, and made themselves known to several 
persons in whom they could confide, and each of them frequently prayed, and 
also exercised, as they termed it, or preached at private meetings in their cham- 
ber. In 1664, the commissioners from King Charles arrived at Boston — ^Upon 
the news of it, they retired to their cave, where they tarried eigrfat or ten days. 
Soon after, some Indians in their hunting, discovered the cave with the bed ; and 


die leport beine spread abroad, it was not safe to remain near it On the 13th 
oi October, 16^ thej set ont for Hadley, near an hundred miles distant, trayel- 
Ung onlj bj night ; where Mr. Bnssel, the minister of the place, had previously 
agreed to receive tiiem. Here they remained concealed fitteen or sixteen years, 
Yery lew persons in the colony being privy to it The last account of Goffe, is 
from a letter, dated Eb€mez$r, the name they gave their several places of abode, 
April 2, 1679. Whalley had been dead some time before. The tradition at 
Hadley is, that two persons unknown, were buried in the minister's cellar. The 
minister was no sufiterer by his boarders. They received more or less remittances 
e!Tery year, for many years together, from their wives in England. Those few 
persons who knew where thev were, made them frequent presents. Richard 
oaltonstall, Esq. who was in the secret, when he left the country and went to 
England in 1672, made them a present of fifty pounds at his departure ; and they 
take notice of donations from several other friends. They were in constant 
terror, though they had reason to hope, after some years, that the enquiiyfor 
them was over. They read with pleasure the news of their being killed, with 
other judges, in Switzerland. Their diary for six or seven years, contains every 
little occurrence in the town, church, and particular families in the neighborhooa. 
They had indeed, for five years of their lives, been among the principal actors in 
the great affurs of the nation. They had very constant and exact intelliffonce of 
every thing which passed in England, and were unwilling to give up all nopes of 
deliverance. Their greatest expectations were from the fulfilment oi the prophe- 
cies. They had no doubt, that the execution of the Judges was the slaying of 
Qte witnesses. They were much disappointed, when the year 1666 had passed 
without any remarkable event, but flattered themselves tnat the Christian sera 
might be erroneous. Their lives were miserable and constant burdens. They 
complain of bein^ banished from all human society. A letter from GK)ffo's wife, 
who was Whallejrs daughter, I think worth preserving. After Uie second year, 
Qefie writes by the name of WaUer Goldsmith, and she of Frances Goldsmith; 
and the correspondence is carried on, as between a mother and son. There is 
too much religion in their letters for the taste of the present day : but the dis- 
tresses of two persons, under these peculiar circumstances, who appear to have 
lived very happily together, are very strongly described. 

Whilst they were at Hadley, February 10, 1664-5, John Dixwell, another of 
tlw Jnd^, came to them ; but from whence, or in what part of America he first 
landed, is not known. He continued some years at Hadley, and then removed 
to New-Haven. He married at New-Haven, and left several cliildren. After his 
deatii Ida son came to Boston, and lived in good repute ; was a ruling elder of 
one of tfie churches there, and died in 1725. Colonel Dixwell was buried in 

It cannot be denied, that many of the principal persons in the colony greatly 
Cfteeine4 these persons for their professions of piety, and their grave deportment, 
who did not approve of their political conduct After they were declared traitors, 
they certainly would have been sent to England, if they could have been taken. It 
was generally thought that they had left the country ; and even the consequence 
of tSnr escape was dreaded, lest when they were taken, those who had harbored 
them should suffer for it Randolph, who was sent to search, could obtain no 
more knowledc^ of them, than that they had been in the country, and respect had 
been shewn them by some of the liagistrates. I am loth to omit an anecdote 
handed down througn Grovemor Leverett's family. I find Goffe takes notice in 
hia joumal of Leverett's being at Hadley.— [Tms anecdote is on page 146.] 

Rev. Ezra Stiles, president of Yale College, published 
**A Histo^ of three of tlie Judges of King Charles I.,'* 
Whalley, Goffe and Dixwell, in 1794, and dedicated it " to 
all the patrons of real, perfect and unpolluted liberty." He 
oollected a great abundance of traditionary information from 
the towns about New Haven, and from Hadley. — He found 
that the Providence Hill of Whalley and Goife was West 
Bock, about two and a half miles north-west of New Haven ; 
and that their cave was not in the side of the hill, but in a 
pile of rocks on the top of West Rock. 



The judges were not out of danger while secreted at Hadr 
ley, as public inquiry was made after them by men sent from 
England. They led so recluse and concealed a life at Hadley, 
that there are few anecdotes concerning them while there. 
They were well supplied with means of subsistence, partly 
from England and partly from friends here. Peter Tilton was 
often at Boston and donations could be safely made throu^ 
him, and the judges sometimes resided at his house. Gone 
thus wrote to his wife respecting her superannuated father, 
Whalley, in August, 1674 : — 

*' He is scarce capable of any rational discourse, his nnderstandin^, memoij 
and speech do so much fail him, and he seems not to take much notice of anj 
thing that is either said or done, but patiently bears all things and never comr- 
plains of any thing. The conmion question is to know how he doth, and hia 
answer for the most part is, very well, I praise God. He has not been able of a 
long time to dress, undress or feed himself, without help ; it is a great merc^ to 
him that he has a fHend who takes pleasure in being helpfiil to him." 

Whalley died in Hadley not far from 1676, and Goffe's last 
letter is dated April 2, 1679, and he may have died as early 
as 1680. It is certain that Whalley died in Hadley, and 
there is very little doubt that Goffe died there also. The 
tradition, concerning which President Stiles enlarges, that 
Whalley or Goffe, or both, were buried at New Haven, seems 
to be fabulous. Pres. S. believed that both died in Hadley, 
and that Whalley was buried at Russell's and Goffe at Tu- 
ton's. The surmise of some, that their bodies were removed 
from Hadley to New Haven, is certainly false, in regard to 
Whalley, and is believed to be equally unfounded as to Goflb. 
The necessity of secrecy would have prevented the removaly 
as it must have been done by oxen and cart. The bones of 
Whalley had not been found when Pres. Stiles wrote his 
History in 1793. 

The following letter from Rev. Samuel Hopkins of Hadley, 
to President Stiles, contains various traditions, some of which 
must be rejected. The time of Peter Tilton's death, which 
Mr. Hopkins could not find, was July 11, 1696. 

Hadley, March 26, 1793. 

"Reverend Sir, 

Since I received years of tlie llth alt. I have taken pains to enquire of tbe 
oldest people among us, what they heard said, by the eldest persons in town 
since their remembrance, respecting W^halley and Goffe, their residence in this 
town. The tradition among all oi them is, that both of them were secreted in 
the town ; that the inhabitants at that time knew very little of them, or where 
they were concealed, except those in whose houses they were. And the tradition 
amon^ them in srencral is, that one of them died in this town (those who remem- 
ber which, say Whalley )---that the other, Goffe, after the death of Whaller, kit 
the town, and that it was not known where he went. With respect to the one 
who died in this town, the tradition in general is, that he was buried in 
Mr. Tillton's cellar. 


Mo6t of whom I have enquired for tradition say, that while thej were here the 
Indians made an assault upon the town : that on this occasion a person unknown 
speared, animating and leading on the inhabitants against the enemy, and 
exciting them by his activity and ardour ; that when the Indians were repulsed, 
the stranger disiappeared — was gone — none ever knew where, or who he was. 
Hie above is the general tradition among us. 

^ I shall now notice some thincfs which were in the tradition, as given by some, 
di£Eering from the above, or udoing somewhat to it. 

According to the tradition given bv some, Whalley and Goffe were not con- 
cealed the whole of the time at Mr. Kussell's and Mr, Tillton's, but part of the 
time at one Smith's.* This I find in the family of the Smiths. 

An old man among us says, he remembers to have heard the old people say, 
there was a fruitless search (by order of the government, as I understana it) of 
all the houses in Hadley ; but that they (to use his wordsj searched as if they 
searched not. That after Whalley's death, Goffe went off, first to Hartford, aftei^ 
wards to New-Haven, where he was suspected and in danger of being known, by 
his eztraordinaiy dexterity with the sword ; shown (as he tells the story) on a 
particular occasion. And in apprehension of danger, he went off from New- 
Haven. Here tradition, according to him, ends with respect to Goffe. 

Another still older says, that he heard both his father and his grandfather sa^, 
that Whalley and Goffe were both secreted at Mr. Russell's at first ; who for their 
security, in case of search, made a retreat for them between his chambers, and be- 
hind his chimney. That one of them died at Mr. Tillton's, and was buried behind 
hia bam. That after his death Goffe went off into the Narragansett ; wife there 
aet upon, and in danger of being taken ; went from thence to the southward ; 
was heard of as far as Pennsylvania, or Virginia, and nothing heard further of him. 

The tradition among some, connected with the family of the Marshes, is, that 
Whalley and Goffe both died in Hadley. 

Not many years after my settlement in Hadley, (1754) one, who was then 
opite an old man, told me, among other things, that the tradition of the one that 
oied in town was, that ho was buried in Mr. Tillton's garden, or in his cellar. 
With respect to the place of his burial, I am of opinion, that it was kept secret, 
and was unknown. It seems to have been a matter of conjecture among the in- 
liabitants ; — ^in Tillton's cellar, — in his garden — or behind Ids bam — as they im- 
a^ned most probable. Of his being buried under a fence between two lots, I do 
not find any thing ; — nor of his being afterwards removed. I have searched for 
Us monument, and do not as yet by any means find the time of Tillton's death. 
CBionld I hereafter, I will inform you. 


Extracts from Stiles's History of the Judges. 

I was at Hadley, May 21, 1792. The reverend Mr. Hopkins carried me to Mr. 
Russell's house, still standing. It is a double house, two stories and a kitchen. 
Although repaired with additions, yet the chamber of the Judges remains obvi- 
ously in its original state unmutilated, as when these exiled worthies inhabited 
it. Adjoining to it behind, or at the north end of the large chimney, was a closet, 
in the floor of which I saw still remaining the trap door, through which they let 
themselves down into an imder closet, and so thence descended into the cellar for 
concealment, in case of search or surprise. I examined all those places with at- 
tention, and with heart-felt sympathetic veneration for the memories of those 
long immured sufferers, thus shut up and secluded from the world for the tedious 
space of fourteen or sixteen years, in this voluntary Bastile. They must have 
been known to the family and domestics ; and must have been frequently exposed 
to accidental discoveries, with all their care and circumspection to live in still- 
ness. That the whole should have been effectually concealed in the breasts of 
the knowing ones, is a scene of secrecy truly astonishing ! 

Chi my return firom Hadley, passing through Wethershcld, on the 25th of Mav, 
I ynnted Mrs. Porter, a sensible and judicious woman, aged 77. She was a daugh- 
of Mr. Ebenezer Marsh, and bom at Hadley, 1715, next door to Mr. Tillton's, 
of the temporary and interchanged residences of the Judges. This house was 

* Lieut. Samuel Smith is meant. 



in her day occopied by deacon Joseph Eastman. She had the general stoiy o£ 
the Judges, bnt said she knew nothing with certtunty concerning them, bat only 
that it was said thoj sometimes Uvcd at Mr. RasselTs, and sometimes where dear 
con Eastman lived. That one was buried in Mr. Russell's cellar, and another in 
Mr. TiUton's lot As she said she had nothing certain, I pressed her for fiibiiloiis 
anecdotes. She said she was ashamed to tell young people's whims and notiona. 
But in the course of conversation she said, that when she was a girl, it was tbe 
constant belief among the neighbors, that an old man, for some reason or other* 
had been buried in the fence between deacon Eastman's and her fE^her's. She 
said the women and girls ftom their house and deacon Eastman's used to meet 
at the dividing fence, and while chattin? and talking toother for am n a em ent, 
one and another at times would say, with a sort of ^ttish fear and langfaingt 
" who knows but that we are now standing on the old man's grave T** She and 
other girls used to be skittish and fearful, even in walking the street, when tbej 
came against the place of that supposed grave ; thougn it was never known 
whereabouts in that line of fence it lay. She supposed the whole was onlv yoong 
folks' foolish notions ; for some were much concerned lest the old man's ghost 
should appear at or about that grave. But this lady was vexy reluctant al nar- 
rating these circumstances and stories, to which she gave no heed hesself. 

In repeatedly visiting Hadley for many years past, and in conversation wifli 
persons bom and brought up in Hadley, but settl^ elsewhere, I have often per- 
ceived a concurrent tradition that both died there, and were buried aomewhere in 
Hadley unknown, though generally agreeing that one was buried at BnaseQ'a. 

Mr. Russell's Dwellxng House. 

Stiles's EUstory contains a representation of the outlines of 
the house, and of the Judges' Chamber. The following is aa 
imperfect copy, made without the aid of an engraver. 





The Judges' 
Chamber, 1665. 



Bfiddle Highway. 

One part of the house was built as early as 1660, and tbe 
town aided Mr. Russell to build an addition in 1662. It ap- 
pears from the inventory of Mr. Russell's estate in 1693, that 
the north, or kitchen part of the house, had a kitchen, lodging 
room, buttery and closet, with chambers over them ; also a 
study ; and that the south part had two lower rooms, named 
hall and parlor, with hall and parlor chambers over them ; and 


a great and little cellar* and garrets, are mentioned. Fumi- 
tare and other articles were appraised in all these rooms. 

The town purchased of Rev. Samuel Russell of Branford, 
in 1694^ the house and the old homelot of 8 acres, and 4 
acres added to the east end of this lot and the town lot, to 
extend them to the bank, making 12 acres, for 120 pounds, or 
about 400 dollars, in money. The town gave the buildings 
and ten acres to their second minister, Mr. Isaac Chauncey, m 
1696. His son, Josiah Chauncey, sold the same homestead in 
1749, to Samuel Gaylord, who resided upon it, as did his son, 
Samuel Gaylord; and his grandson, Chester Gaylord, still 
owns the western half of the lot, and lives upon it. 

CSiester Gaylord was bom in 17S2, and is now (April, 1868) 
in his 76th year. The following information is denved from 
him : — ^Before he was bom, his father took down the north or 
kitchen part of the Russell house, and rebuilt it in nearly the 
same place, two stories high in the front westward, and 
one in the rear,t and the old cellar remained. The south 
building, in his younger years, remained apparently in its 
eriffinal state. He judges that it was 42 or 44 feet in length 
and about 20 feet m width. There was no cellar under it. 
The south side was the front. It had two large rooms below, 
with an old fashioned chimney and a front entry and stairs 
between them. Above were two spacious chambers, and over- 
head appeared the joists and garret-floor, whitewashed ; and 
Hr. G. thinks the walls were boarded and not plastered, but is 
not certain. North of the chimney, was an enclosed place 
with two doors, used as a passage between the chambers and 
for other purposes. The floor boards of this passage or closet 
were laid from the chimney to the north siue, and the ends 
went under the boards that enclosed the apartment. One 
board, at least, was not fastened down, and it could be slipped 
two or three inches to the north or south, and one end could 
then be raised up4 Mr. G., when a boy, had many times 
raised this board and let himself down into the space below, 
and restored the board to its place above him. He was then 
in a dark hole, which had no opening into any of the lower 
rooms ; if there was once a passage into the kitchen cellar, it 
bad been closed. There is a tradition that the judges were 
once concealed in this dark place behind the chimney, when 

*Tbe mat and little cellar were only one cellar, divided by a partition^ and it 
wu not Inrge. 

tPiesident Stiles nnderstood that the house had been "repaired with additions." 

me trap door which Pres. Stiles saw in Ma^, 1793, could have been nothing 
die M tbs bond. It was not such a tnp door as is pictured in his plan of tbo 


searchers went through the passage above. They could easily 
lift the board, and hide themselves in this under closet. 

The south part of the Russell house was pulled down when 
Mr. Gaylord was about 13 years old, or in 1795, and the pres- 
ent house was built, which is 44 by 40 feet, and extends 
above 20 feet farther south than the old one. The kitchen 
part was all north of this, and Mr. Gaylord's father and his famr 
ily lived in it, while he was building the new house. As thestones 
01 the old cellar wall were needed for the new cellar, the build- 
ing was supported by props in part, and the wall removed. In 
taking down the midme part of the front wall, next to the main 
street, the workmen discovered, about 4 feet below the top of 
the ground, a place where the earth was loose, and a little 
search disclosed fiat stones, a man's bones, and bits of wood. 
Almost all the bones were in pieces, but one thigh bone wai 
whole, and there were two sound teeth. Doct. S. H. Rogers, 
who then resided in Hadley, examined the thigh bone, and 
said it was the thigh bone of a man of large size. This and 
the other bones were laid on a shelf, and in a short time they 
all crumbled into small pieces, and were not preserved. John 
Hopkins took the teeth, and he gave away one or both. No 
other grave was found behind the cellar wall. Mr. Q-. sup- 
poses the fiat stones, from their position, were laid on the top 
of the coffin. 

These bones must have been those of Gen. Whalley, who 
was buried near 120 years before. Perhaps he died before Mr. 
Russell began to entertain the officers in the Indian war in 
1675. If so, only Goffe removed to Mr. Tilton's, 

On the 18th of May, 1680, Sir Edmund Andros wrote from 
New York, to the Governor and Assistants of Connecticut, that 
he had been informed that Col. Gofie was kept and concealed^ 
by Capt. Joseph Bull and his sons at Hartford, under the nam^ 
01 Mr. Cooke. Warrants were issued to the constables of 
Hartford, directing them to search diligently the buildings of 
Joseph Bull and sons, and other places. They did not fintf 
Col. Goffe nor any suspected stranger. Secretary AUyn wrote 
to Gov. Andros, June 11, 1680, desiring the names of the in- 
formers, and said the people of Hartford were much abused by 
these false reports. 

President Stiles was an ardent republican, and believed that criminal kingi 
should be tried and punished, as well as other men. He said in conclusion i-^ 

" The enlightenea, upright and intrepid judges of Charles I. will hereafter so 
down to posterity with increasing renown, among the Jepthas, the iWiylgy^ ^ 
Gideons, and the Washin^ns, and others raised up by providence for great md 
momentous occasions : whose memories, with those of all the other sacoesaAil and 
unsuccessful, but intrepid and patriotic defenders of real liberty, will be seleotod 
in history, and contemplated with equal, impartial and merited justice: and 
whose names, and achievements, and sufferings will be transmitted with 
honor, renown, and glory, through all the ages of liberty and of man/' 


Mr. Tllton's letter to his wife. — ^The following letter, publiBhed b^ Hutchinson, 
thongh not relating to the judges, may be inserted with propriety in the History 
of J&dley. It IB occupied chiefly with foreign affairs, and mmishcs another ex- 
ample of the manner in which European news was spread in this country, before 
iiewapapers wore printed here. 

Boston, 18 3 mo. [May 18,] 1672. 
•• Dear Wife, 

This opportunity gives occasion of these linos ; we have had a ^uiet and peace- 
able election, no alteration or addition. O what a price doth Divine Patience yet 
betrost us with, when he is drawing out the sword and arraying himself with the 
gMrments of vengeance as to other kingdoms, and when it is more than probable 
many garments are tumbling in blood. As to the news from England, all men, 
both wise and others of more ordinary capacities, look on the efrcct or produce 
thereof will be as black a day in the world, as the world hath known. The late 
actions in England in commissioning their fleet to seize and fall on the Holland- 
ers, of which I wrote you in my last, breaking their league, joining with the 
French, assisting them with soldiers out of England, ana with their principal 
harbors to receive a numerous army, and shutting up the exchequer, whereby 
many are outed of their estates contrary to all law, are things that both in En^ 
land and here, by men of all sorts, are -looked upon as strange, horrid, and omi- 
lunis. There is another ship expected, one Jonas Clarke, if not stopped by the 
embargo or otherwise, in wnich one Dr. Hoare, a minister, is expectea. Remem- 
ber me to mine and thine, with my love to all with you. I cannot forget you before 
the Father of Spirits night and day. The good will of Him that dwelt in the 
bosh be with you, cause his face to shine upon you all, and give you peace. So 
Pn^eth still, 

Yours unfeignedly to love, 


Mr. Tilton's letter has a postscript, chiefly relating to a fast appointed by the 

veneral Court for themselves, to be on the *' fourth day," (Wednesday) of the 

jjext week. Mr. Tilton wrote to his family : — " My dear ones, forget not him who 

^^tii you all on his heart, and whose desire it is to leave himself and his all, with 

_^ ^ merciful high-priest who hath the keys of lifo and death. Farewell. 


Militia and their postures and arms — Hadley militia — Hampshire Troop — 
Change in fire-arms — ^New Militia Law — ^New Military book — Bayonets — Col- 
on — Calling the roll — ^Watches — ^Alarms. 

Militia companies in Massachusetts and Connecticut were 
^>iganized and armed in nearly the same manner as soldiers in 
England. « The Compleat Body of the Art Military," by 
XXeut. CoL Richard Elton, was published before 1649, and a 
Supplement by another was published with it in London, 
1668. Many persons in New England had Elton's book. Major 
John Pynchon had one ; and Capt. Aaron Cooke of North- 
ampton had one, which he gave in his will, to his son, Capt. 
Aaron Cooke of Hadley. The manner in which our fathers 
p^ormed the manual exercise, with the matchlock musket 
and rest, may be learned from what Elton calls " The Pos- 
tures of the Musket," in the edition of 1668. 


Hl9rOBY 09 ELADL87. 

The P08TUBE8 OF THE Musket. 

Stand to jronr arms. 

Take up your bandoleem. 

Put on joar bandoleers. 

Take up your match. 

Place your match. 

Take up your rest 

Put the string of your rest about your 
left wrist. 

Take up your musket 

Rest your musket 

Poise your musket 

Shoulder your musket 

Unshoulder your musket and poise. 

Join your rest to the outside of your 

Open your pan. 

Clear your pan. 

Prime your pan. 

Shut your pan. 

Cast off your loose corns. 

Blow off your loose corns and bring 
about your musket to the left mde. 

Tndl your rest 

Balance your musket in your left hand. 

Find out your charge. 

Open your charge. 

Cnarge with powder. 

Draw forth your scouring stick. 

Turn and shorten him to an inch. 

Charge with bullet 

Put your scouring stick into your mus- 

Ram home your charge. 

Withdraw your scounng stick. 

Turn and shorten him to a handlkiL 
Return your scouring stick. 
Bring forward your musket and real. 
Poise your musket and recover your 

pest. ^ 

Join your rest to the outade of jroor 

Draw forth your match. 
Blow your coal. 
Cock your miutch. 
Fit your match. 
Guaurd your pan. 
Blow tne ashes firmn your oo«L 
Open your pan. 
Present upon your rest 
Give fire breast-high. 
Dismount your musket, joixunff flM 

rest to the outside of your nnukeL 
Uncock and return your match. 
Clear your pan. 
Shut your pan. 
Poise your musket 
Rest your musket 
Take your musket off the reit aaad 8Sl 

the butt end to the ground. 
Lay down your musket 
Lav down your match. 
Take your rest into your right loBd, 

clewing tiie string £rom 70V kft 

Lay down your rest 
Take off your bandoleera. 
Lay down your bandoleers. 
Hero endeth the postures of the moakat 

He gives, also, funeral, saluting and other postures ; and the 

Eostures of lighter muskets, which were used without restB» 
ut were fired with a match. 

" The Postures of the Pike " are given ; some of them arot 
handle, raise, charge, order, advance, shoulder, port, comporty 
check, trail, and lay down, your pikes. The pikes in "Rn glAiMi 
were 16 feet in length ; in Connecticut, 14 feet. 

His musket signified a hand-gun with a matchlock. The 
cock was that part of the lock which held the burning match 
that was applied to the powder in the pan. Muskets weie 
generally large and heavy, and required a forked staff m rest 
to support them when presented to fire. The rests had a 
crotch or crescent at the top, and a sharp iron at the bottom 
to fasten them in the ground. The musketeer had a rest in 
his hand, or hung to it by a string, in nearly all his exercises. 
Bandoleers. — ^Musketeers carried their powder in little 
wooden, tin, or copper, cylindrical boxes, each containing one 
charge ; twelve of these boxes were fixed to a belt two inches 
wide worn over the left shoulder, and the boxes and belt were 
called bandoleers. Usually the primer containing the priming 

aurroBT of haduet. 236 

powder, the bullet-bag and priming-wire were fastened to 
the leather belt. These and the little long boxes hung upon 
the belt, and made much rattling. This belt with its dang- 
ling appendages, had some resemblance to a string of sleigh- 
bells. The match-cord was tied to the bandoleer-belt. 

A Foot Company Paraded. 

Tho following representation is from Elton, bat his company was larger, m. 
signifies a musKctecr, p. a pikeman, and D. a drommer. Toe sergeants stood at 
the corners. 


Ist Sergeant Ensign. 4th Sergeant. 

m. m. m. m. m. m. D. p. p. p. p. p. p. D. m. m. m. m. m. m. 

m. m. m. m. m. m. p. p. p. p. p. p. m^ m* m. m. m. m. 

m. m. m. m. m. m. p. p. p. p. p. p. m. m. m. m. m. m. 

m. m. m. m. m. m. p. p. p. p. p. p. m. m. m. m. m. m. 
3d Sergeant. I^utenant. 2d Sergeant 

In the Directions for training a Company of Horscmeni in the Supplement to 
Elton, are the following seventeen commands. Tho book details too motiona 
made in performing each command. 

1. Horse, i. c, mount your horso. 10. Lade your pistol. 

2. Uncap your pistol case. 11. Draw your rammer. 

3. Draw your pistol. 12. Lade with bullet and ram homo. 

4. Order your pistol. 13. Ectum your rammer. 

5. Span your pistol. 14. Pull down the cock. 

6. Pnme your pistol. 15. Recover your pistol. 

7. Shut your pan. 16. Present and give fire. 

8. Cajst about your pistol. 17. Kctum your pistol 

9. Gage your liasque. 

Twenty commands are given for handling the carbine with a snaphanee or 
firelock, when used by horsemen. 

The militia laws of Massachusetts enacted previous to 1660, 
ordered that two thirds of each foot company should be mus- 
keteers ; and that each musketeer should have a musket, with 
a priming-wire, worm, scourer, and mold for bullets, a sword, 
rest, bandoleers, one pound of powder, twenty bullets and two 
fethoms (twelve feet) of match. About one third of the com- 
pany might be pikemen, and each was to have a pike, corslet, 
head-piece, sword and snapsack. In 1666, each pikeman 
mi^ht have either a corslet, buff coat or quilted coat. It re- 
quired 64 men for a full company. Such a company had a 
captain, lieutenant, ensign, clerk, sergeants, corporals, and 
drummers. Sergeants carried a halbert. Towns were to keep 
powder, musket-bullets and match. 

A troop of horsemen was not to exceed 70 soldiers. Each 
trooper was to have a good horse, saddle, bridle, holsters, pis- 
tols or carbine, and sword. A troop had a captain, lieuten- 
ant, cornet, quarter-master, clerk, trumpeter, and corporals. 
Each trooper was obliged to keep a good horse at all times, 
and was allowed by the colony fivtJ shillings a year. 



All males above 16 years of age were to attend military 
exercises and service, except those .exempt by law. The Court 
of Assistants and County Courts had power to discharge men 
for just cause ; and in Hampshire, men who could not train 
by reason of age, weakness, or lameness, applied to the Court 
and were freed from training. 

Companies were to be exercised six days every year. There 
was to be a regimental training once in three years. John 
Dunton, who came to Boston to sell books in 1686, says it 
was the custom to have a prayer at the beginning and ending 
of a training. Where he trained, the captain made the prayers. 

In Hampshire, towns not having a full company of 64 men, 
had no captain ; the soldiers were commanded by a lieuten- 
ant, ensign, or sergeant. It was not until 1657 that the 
Springfield company had three commissioned officers ; John 
Pynchon was captain, Elizur Holyoke, lieutenant, Thomas 
Cooper, ensign. Northampton had a small train-band in 
1658 ; and in 1661 the soldiers chose William Clark, lieuten- 
ant, and David Wilton, ensign. In 1663, they chose Aaron 
Cooke, senior, for captain, who had held the same office in 
Windsor. He removed to Westfield and remained there about 
ten years, and when he returned, was again captain of the 
company. The first captain of Hadley was Aaron Cooke, jun- 
ior, in 1678 ; of Westfield, John Maudsley in 1686 ; of Hat- 
field, John AUis, under Andros in 1687 or 1688 ; and Samuel 
Partrigg succeeded him in 1689. At Deerfield, Jonathan 
Wells was appointed captain in 1692-93, partly in reference 
to the garrison. John Lyman was appointed ensign at North- 
field in 1686. 

Hadley militia. — On the 11th of May, 1661, the town "voted 
that there shall be a training on the 16th inst. Voted that 
the town will buy Mr. Pynchon's colors that he wrote to the 
town about ; and desire brother Lewis to buy a good drum 
for the town." On the 16th of December, 1661, Richard 
Goodman and William Allis were chosen " to view all the 
arms in the town, and see if they are according to law." The 
train-band of Hadley chose Samuel Smith, lieutenant, John 
Russell, senior, clerk, and Richard Goodman, sergeant, and 
they were approved by the county court in March, 1663. The 
band also chose Aaron Cooke, Jr. ensign-bearer, and John 
Dickinson and Joseph Kellogg, sergeants, and they were ap- 
proved by the court in September, 1663. In March, 1664, the 
town voted to pay Zechariah Field twenty shillings for the 
drum they had of him ; and in April, they voted to buy a new 
drum. Samuel Smith was lieutenant, and Aaron Cooke, Jr. 
ensign, about fifteen years, including the trying time of Phil- 


ip's war. In May, 1678, Lt. Smith requested to be freed from 
military trust, being, as he said, " near eighty years of age." 
He was discharged, and Aaron Cooke, Jr. was appointed cap- 
tain, Philip Smith, lieutenant, and Joseph Kellogg, sr. ensign. 
Philip Smith was chosen lieutenant of the troop the same 
year. The officers of the Hadley company previous to 1700 
were as follows : — 

Captains. Lieutenants. Ensigns. 

1663. Samuel Smith. 1663. Aaron Cooke, Jr. 

1678. Aaron Cooke, Jr. 1678. Philip Smith. 1678. Joseph KeUogg. 

1679. Joseph Kellogg. 167a Timothy Nash. 

About 1692. Timothy Kash. About 1692. Chileab Smith. 

Aaron Cooke performed the duties of captain until 1713, 
when he was 72 years of age. According to the inscription on 
his gravcHstone, he was a captain 35 years. His father, Aaron 
CooKe, of Northampton, acted as captain until his death in 
1690, at the age of 80. 

The Hampshire Troop, or Company of Horselhen. — ^In 
March, 1663, divers persons of the soldiery met at Northamp- 
ton and " there listed themselves into a Troope," and chose 
officers, viz., Capt. John Pynchon of Springfield, for captain ; 
Ens. David Wilton of Northampton, lieutenant ; Lieut. Wil- 
liam AUis of Hadley, comet; and Henry Woodward of 
Northampton, and George Colton of Springfield, quarter-mas- 
ters. These officers were approved by the county court. 
There were ten troopers from Hadley, viz., Mr. Henry Clark, 
William Lewis, Thomas Coleman, Nathaniel Dickinson, sr., 
Thomas Dickinson, Philip Smith, Andrew Warner, Samuel 
Billing, John Coleman, William Allis. The last three lived 
on the west side of the river. In 1669, Springfield had 21 
troopers, Northampton, 18, Hadley, 14. In 1674, Springfield 
had 19, Northampton, 13, Hadley, 7, Hatfield, 6, Westfield, 6. 
The dress and equipments of the troopers were more costly 
and showy than those of the foot soldiers, and they may have 
deemed their service more honorable. The expensive 
"trooping scarf" of Capt. Pynchon was embellished with gold 
lace, and silver glittered on his sword and belt and on other 
parts of his arms and dress. The other officers wore silk 
scarfs or sashes. When this company met in one of our vil- 
lages for exercise, it was a day of excitement for the young, 
who heard the shrill trumpet, and admired the proud banner, 
the prancing steeds, and the gay appearance and quick mo- 
iioiis of the men. Th# officers of the Hampshire troop of cav- 
aliT> previous to 1700, as far as they can be found, were the 
following : — 

338 niaroBY of hadlbt. 

Captains. Cornets. 

16G3. John I>7nchon of Springfield. 1663. William Allis of Hadlcy,(Hatfi'ld) 

1672. Joseph Whiting of Westfield. 
Lieutenants. 167B. Joseph Parsons of Northampton. 

1663. David Wilton of Northampton. 1^85. Thomas Dewey of Westfield. 
1672. William Allis of Hatfield. Nehemiah Dickinson of Hadloy. 

1678. Philip Smith of Hadley. Quarter-Masters. 

John Taylor of Northampton. , Henr^Woodward of Northampton 

'"^^ George Colton of Springfield. 
1683. Samuel Partrigg of Hadley. 

Regimental Officers. — The regiments of Massachusetts had 
only one officer, denominated major, or sergeant-major. In 
May, 1671, Capt. John Pynchon was appointed Sergeant- 
Major of the Hampshire regiment. He was the first regi- 
mental officer of the county. About 1687, Gov. Andros made 
him a colonel, and Capt. Aaron Cooke of Northampton, a major. 
After the fall of Anaros, they retained only the offices they 
had before. Under the new charter, Massachusetts estab- 
lished the offices of colonel and lieut. colonel. Connecticut 
had no dblonel and lieut. colonel until they were appointed by 
Gov. Andros about 1687. 

Indian guns. — The Indians, before and during Philip's war, 
did not use matchlock muskets, but lighter guns with flint- 
locks or snaphances. They were not troubled with burning 
match and cumbrous rests. In these things they acted 

Change of Fire-arms in the 17th century. — ^The early legis- 
lators of Massachusetts, following the example of England, 
ordered the matchlock and rest, and the pike, for foot soldiers. 
Yet flintlocks and guns without rests were among the people. 
The pistols and carbines of the troopers, and some fowling 

Sieces and other guns, were fired with flints without rests, 
ome soldiers in New Haven, Plymouth and other places had 
firelocks and flints, though matchlocks and match were much 
more common among soldiers. It is believed that firelocks, 
often called snaphances, were gradually displacing matchlocks, 
before the Indian war began. John Pynchon sold flints after 
1666, and he sold match also. In September, 1673, Massa- 
chusetts General Court desired Mr. Hezekiah Usher to pur- 
chase in England, " five hundred new snaphances or firelock 
muskets."* After Philip's war began, men soon perceived 
that matchlocks and pikes, however efficient in European 
warfare, were of little avail against nimble, skulking Indians, 
who did not face their enemies in the open field, and flint- 
locks were used whenever they could be obtained. Many 

* 292 were obtained, which cost hero, in Boston money, VJ shillings each. 


expeditions against the Indians were made on horseback, by 
men who carried carbines or longer arms, and much scouting 
was done on horses, and these horsemen were not cumbered 
with match and rests. In November, 1675, Connecticut 
ordered a " stock of flints" to be sent to New London for the 
expedition against the Narragansets. In November, 1675, 
Massachusetts ordered that every town should provide and 
keep six flints for eveiy listed soldier in the town. In the 
preceding October, Massachusetts ordered that all troopers 
should furnish themselves with carbines, and all pikemen 
with fire-arms. Before 1676, a revolution was efiected, and 
pikes and matchlocks were generally laid aside. Pistols were 
accounted useless against Indians. In February, 1676, the 
Massachusetts committee of war estimated that two thousand 
flints were necessary for an expedition of 600 men — no match. 

A great change had practically taken place, yet the law for 
matchlocks and pikes continued unrepealed. A few match- 
locks were used m 1676, but there is no allusion to pikes. 
Boston had some pikemen in 1686. New England generally 
discarded matchlocks, rests and pikes many years before they 
were laid aside in old England. 

New Militia Law. — In the new law of Massachusetts, in 
1^693, matchlocks, match, rests and pikes were entirely disre- 
garded. Foot soldiers were to have a firelock-musket with a 
barrel 3 J feet in length at least or other good fire-arms ; a 
snapsack, a collar with 12 bandoleers or a cartouch box, one 
pound of powder, 20 bullets, 12 flints, a sw^ord or cutlass, a 
worm and priming wire. Towns were to keep flints. 

Troopers were to have a horse worth five pounds and not 
less than 14 hands high, with a saddle, bit, bridle, holsters, 
pectoral and crupper ; a carbine with a barrel not less than 
2i feet in length, and a belt and swivel ; a case of pistols, a 
sword or cutlass, a flask or cartouch box, a pound of powder, 
three pounds of bullets, twenty flints, boots and spurs. They 
had no allowance from the colony. 

Males from 16 to 60 years of age were to train, except those 
usually exempted. Negroes and Indians were among the 
exempts. There were four training days in a year, and a 
regimental muster once in three years. When soldiers were 
levied, a man impressed must go, or pay five pounds. A few 
years after, he must pay 10 pounds, or be imprisoned 6 months. 

"The Complete Soldier," a book of 96 pages, giving 
instruction in military exercises, was printed in Boston in 
1701, and a second edition with additions, of 124 pages, 
appeared in 1706. It was collected from Elton, Barifl^ and 


others, by Nicholas Boone of Boston. It was undoubtedly 
the first military book published in the British colonies. It 
directs the soldiers to appear " with their hair or periwigs 
tied up in bags, and their hats briskly cocked." This must 
have been an English direction. 

Bayonets. — The French had daggers which they screwed 
into the muzzle of their guns, but as the guns could not be 
fired with such bayonets on, they contrived to fasten the 
daggers or bayonets on the outside of the muzzle by a socket. 
— The Massachusetts General Court voted about " bagonets," 
in 1700, and in 1711 they ordered the Boston regiment to 
have "goose-necked bayonets" with a socket, instead of 
swords or cutlasses. The order did not extend to the other 
regiments. Bayonets were of little use against Indians, and 
few were seen in Hampshire until the French wars which 
ended in 1748 and 1763. 

Cartridges, or paper cases vdth powder, were carried by 
some dragoons in a carduce box in Philip's war. Cartouch 
boxes as well as bandoleers, for foot soldiers, are in the law of 
1693. The cartouch, cartridge or carduce box often appears 
in Hampshire after 1700, especially among the troopers. The 
powder horn continued to be used by many of the mfantry. 

The Fife. — The " ear-piercing fife," noted by Shakspeare^ 
was discontinued in the English army after his time, and was 
not restored until 1747, having been neglected more than a 
century in England and America. 

Colors or Flags. — Militia companies procured rich and 
expensive colors in the 17th century. In 1660, John Pynchon 
sold to Ens. Wilton of Northampton for the militia company, 
colors, stafi*, tassel and top for 5 pounds. The next year, he 
sold to Hadley, for the use of the soldiers, colors, stafi*, tassel 
and top for 6 pounds. These flags were long and of costly 
silk, in the state house at Hartford, a few years since, was 
a part of a flag, of substantial red silk, with the date, 1640, 
upon it. Those of Northampton and Hadley may have beeu 
red. Sumptuous flags seem to have continued down to the 
Revolution. Timothy Pickering, in 1775, censured the enor- 
mous waste of silk used for colors, and said " three or four 
square yards of silk are taken to make one color." When the 
wind blew, the ensign had much trouble, and had to gather 
the flag in folds in his hands. Pickering would reduce it to 
about a yard in length. — The pine tree was a favorite symbol 
with Massachusetts ; and Felt says the battle of Bunker Hill 
was fought under colors having a pine tree on them ; and the 
state flag for vessels in 1776, was white with a green pine tree. 


The flag was an ensign, and the bearer was an ensign- 
bearer, usually called ensign, and sometimes ancient. In 
Shakspeare, Pistol was FalstafTs ancient. In the early 
records of Connecticut, Ensign Stoughton of Windsor, was 
called Ancient Stoughton. ^ 

Calling the Roll. — The manner of doing this has not 
changed much in 250 years. Justice Shallow called some of 
Falstaff's soldiers — Thomas Wart ! Here, sir. Francis Fee- 
ble ! Here, sir. In Beaumont and Fletcher, a sergeant called 
the roll — ^William Hamerton, pewterer ! Here. George 
Greengoose, poulterer! Here. In Shakspeare, when Peter 
Quince callea the names of the players, the answer was — 
Here, Peter Quince. 

Watehes. — ^The early laws ordered watches in time of 
peace, in every town, from the first of May to the end of 
September. They were usually under the care of the consta- 
bles. There was some distrust of the Indians. The watch- 
men began to examine night-walkers after ten o'clock. — 
Military watches were required in the several towns in time 
of war, and when danger was apprehended, under the charge 
of the military oificers. Every town was ordered to provide 
a wateh-hous^, and candles and wood. Sometimes warding, 
or day-watehing was required. Watches were kept up m 
these river towns much oi the time for a century. The people 
in those days bore without murmuring, these and other bur- 
dens, which their descendants would deem intolerable. 

Alarms in the night were made by firing three guns, fol- 
lowed by the beating of drums, and there were other ways of 
alarming the people. A hundred years later, in the Revolu- 
tionary war, the inhabitants of these towns were several times 
aroused from sleep, by the firing of three guns. The beat- 
ing of drums succeedea. 

Prices of military articles in Pynchon's acconnt books, 1652 to 1680. — ^New 
drams, 35 to 40 shillings, drum heads, 3s., bandoleers, 38. to 38. 9d., snapsacks, 2s., 
belts, many kinds, Is. 2d. to 98., pike heads, 3s., worm, 6d., scourer, 6d,; match, 
much at 2d. a fathom, some 4d. and 6d. a &thom ; a horn powder flask, 5s., a 
powder horn, 8d. ; gans, various prices, generally between 20 and 30s., a few 
abore SOs., a fowling piece, 25s., gunlocks, 6s. 6d. to 8s. 4d.; common sword or 
cntlaas, 128. to 158., better ones, 2Us. Flint is always in the singular in these 
aoooants, as flint, 6d., 8d., &c. ^ 

The equipment of troopers in Hampshire was expensive. A pair of pistols 
and holsters cost 37 shillings, saddle ana furniture, 37s., boots, 20s., carbine, 25 to 
30s., sword, cutlass or rapier, 20s. Some had a silk scarf, and a trooping coat. 
John Pynchon's " trooping scarf with gold lace" was valued at 70 shillings 
after his decease. 

In Hampshire, only a small part of the soldiers were pikemen at any time, and 
none earned pikes after the Indian war. In other piurts of New England, the 
proportion of pikemen seems to have been much less than in England. The 
eariv laws did not require that one-third of the soldiers should be pikemen. 

The captains and lieutenants of foot companies had a sword, a half pike or 
leading staff, &c. 



Witchcraft in Europe — In New England — In Hampshire county — Maiy and 
Hugh Parsons of Springfield — ^Mary Parsons of Northampton — ^Death of John 
Stebbins of Northampton — Case of Mary Webster of Hadley — ^the witch nuuuA 
of 1G92 — ^Various notices relating to Witchcraft. 

It was formerly the belief of all Christendom, that some 

Eersoiis called witches, were possessed of supernatural power, 
y an agreement with the devil, whereby they could procure 
advantages to themselves, and inflict evils on their enemies ; 
and witchcraft was a capital crime bv the laws of the different 
nations of Europe. The famous bull of pope Innocent VIU^ 
in 1484, denouncing witchcraft, gave fury to the delusion. It 
is estimated that in about two hundred years, upwards of a 
hundred thousand were put to death for witchcraft in Europe;* 
and some calculate that not less than a hundred thousand 
suffered in Germany alone.t At the time of the Reformation, 
Protestants were not only burnt as heretics, but many were 
put to death imder the pretence that they were sorcerers. 

The witch mania raged extensively in both Catholic and 
Protestant countries. The reformers were as fino believers in 
witchcraft as the catholics. The madness prevailed in Italy, 
France, Germany, Switzerland, &c. before it manifested itself 
in Great Britain. From the date of the statute of queen 
Elizabeth against witchcraft in 1562, the persecution of 
witches commenced in England, but did not reach its height 
until the 17th century. Bishop Jewell, in his sermons before 
the queen, used to conclude them by a fervent prayer, that 
she might be preserved from witches. He informed her that 
witches and sorcerers had marvelously increased within a fe^i^^ 
years. In 1593, the income of forty pounds, derived from the 
confiscated property of three persons executed for witchcraft, 
was appropriated for an annual lecture upon the enormity of 
witchcraft, to be preached by a doctor or bachelor of divinity, 
of Queen's college, Cambridge ; and this annual sermon was 
continued 125 years or more. King James I. was a con- 
stant enemy of witches, and a chief encourager of those who 
persecuted them, first in Scotland and next in England. He 
wrote a famous treatise on demons and witches, and aft»r the 
act of parliament against witchcraft in 1603, persecution 
burst forth furiously in England, and in eighty years the 
number of those put to death, has been estimated at about 
thirty thousand ;| and some thousands in Scotland. 

'Blackwood's Magrazinc. tEncjdopspdia Americana, tibid. — Thcso estunatos 
oro as I find thcnii but they scein to mc too high. 


In Europe, kings and nobles, popes and bishops, judges 
and lawyers, learned ministers of various denominations and 
other men of erudition, were fully persuaded of the existence 
of modern witches, who had entered into a compact with 
Satan. — ^Among those accused of witchcraft were many un- 
principled pei-sons, who had endeavored to effect their wicked 
ends by the devil's aid, and if they were not witches, it was 
not for want of the will. These included some noble ladies 
and others in high life. Some undertook to teach the magic 
arts, and not a few thus instructed, really believed they had 
made a covenant with the devil. Others feigned witchcraft, 
and boasted of their power, in order to extort favors from the 
superstitious. Yet a great majority of the sufferers were 

The first planters of New England believed that their 
Bibles affirmed the existence of witches, and it may be easily 
conceived that they were firm believers in the reality of 
witchcraft, in an age when this belief was nearly universal in 

Witches in Connecticut. — ^Winthrop's History, under 1647, 
says one of Windsor was executed at Hartford for a wit<5h. 
The records of Connecticut do not allude to any trial or 
execution of a witch in 1647. On the 7th of December, 1648, 
Mary Johnson, at Hartford, was found guilty of familiarity 
with the devil by her own confession, and was executed. 
One or two persons were tried for witchcraft in Hartford in 
1651 ; it is not known whether any one was executed. In 
1651, Goody Bassett of Stratford was executed for witchcraft, 
probably at Fairfield. In 1653 or the early part of 1654, 
Good wife Enap was hung at Fairfield for a witch. In Jan- 
uary or February, 1663, a woman named Greensmith, appa- 
rently wife of Nathaniel Greensmith, was hung at Harttord 
for witchcraft. In March, 1665, Elizabeth Seger was found 
guil^ of witchcraft by a jury at Hartford, but the court set 
her n-ee. In October, 1669, Katharine Harrison of Wethers- 
field was found guilty of witchcraft by a jury at Hartford, but 
the court did not approve the verdict, and afterwards dis- 
missed her. In September, 1692, Mercy Disborough, wife of 
Thomas Disborough of Compo in Fairfield, and two or three 
other women, were tried at Fairfield for witchcraft, and all 
were acquitted except Mercy Disborough, who was found 
guilty and sentenced to death. She appears not to have been 

King James I. averred that witches thrown into the water 
would float and not sink, and he thought this was a '' good 
help" to detect them. The experiment was tried at Fairfield, 



and Mercy Disborough and Elizabeth Clawson were bound, 
hands and feet, and put into the water, and witnesses testified 
that they " swam like a cork." Yet E. Clawson was acquitted, 
and M. Disborough was not condemned because she floated. 

In Massachusetts, Margaret Jones of Charlestown, was 
hung for witchcraft at Boston, June 16, 1648 — ^the first exe- 
cution for this ofiense in this colony. Widow Anne Hibbins 
of Boston, was executed as a witch in 1656, and two or three 
others are reported to have suffered in Massachusetts previous 
to 1692, and in the year 1692, twenty were executed at 
Salem. — In the colonies of New Haven and Plymouth, no one 
was condemned for witchcraft, before or after their union 
with other colonies. 

WrrcHCRAFT IN Hampshire County. 

The first case of supposed witchcraft in Hampshire county^, 
occurred at Springfield, in 1661. Mary Parsons, wife of 
Hugh Parsons of that town, was sent to Boston and impris- 
oned on suspicion of witchcraft, and for murdering her cnild. 
She was tried for both offenses by the General Court, May 13, 
1651. The charge in the first indictment was, that being 
seduced by the devil, about the end of February last, at 
Springfield, she consulted with a familiar spirit, making a 
covenant with him, and had used divers devilish practices by 
witchcraft, to the hurt of the persons of Martha and Rebecca 
Moxon, against the word of Gk)d, and the laws of this iuris- 
diction. Her plea was, not guilty ; and the Court found the 
evidences insufficient and cleared her. The two Moxons were 
children of Rev. George Moxon of Springfield. 

Mary Parsons bad a son named Joshua, born Oct. 26, 1650,. 
whom she killed March 4, 1651, according to the Springfieldk 
record. She was charged in the indictment at Boston^ 
May 13, 1661, with willfully and most wickedly murdering 
her own child, to which she pleaded guilty, and was con- 
demned to die by the General Court. She was reprieved 
until the 29th of May. She was a deranged woman, and one 
like her would not have been found guilty of murder, 60 
years later. 

Hugh Parsons of Springfield, was tried at a Court of Assist- 
ants at Boston, May 12, 1652, a year after the trial of his 
wife. He was accused of having familiar and wicked con- 
verse with the devil, and of using divers devilish practices or 
witchcrafts, in March last, and at other times, to the hurt of 
divers persons. The jury found him guilty, but the magis- 
trates not consenting to the verdict, the case came before the 
General Court, May 27, 1652, who judged that he was not 
guilty of witchcraft. After this, he removed from Springfield. 


Mary Bartlett, wife of Samuel Bartlett of Northamptoiii 
died in July, 1674, and her husband, her father, James 
Bridgman, and others, were suspicious that she came to her 
end by unnatural and unlawful means ; and that Mary Parsons, 
wife of Joseph Parsons, senior, of Northampton, had caused 
her death by witchcraft. Mary Parsons was a respectable 
woman, and her husband was one of the most wealthy men 
in Northampton. She may have been somewhat proud and 
highnspiritea, and thereby have excited some ill-will. 

The county court met at Sprinfffield, Sept. 29, 1674 ; and 
though the trial of persons accused of capital offenses did not 
belong to this court, they sometimes inquired into such cases. 
Samuel Bartlett procured divers testimonies on oath from 
Northampton, and Mary Parsons, knowing what was doing, 
and that she was implicated, did not wait for a summons, but 
** voluntarily made her appearance in court, desiring to clear 
herself of such an execrable crime." The matter was referred 
to an adjourned court at Northampton, which met January 5, 
1676, and Samuel Bartlett produced his witnesses. " Good- 
wife Parsons being called to speak for herself,* she did assert 
her own innocency, often mentioning how clear she was of 
such a crime, and that the righteous God knew her innocency, 
with whom she had left her cause." The court " appointed 
a jury of soberdized, chaste women to make diligent search 
upon the body of Mary Parsons, whether any marks of witch- 
craft might appear, who gave in their account to the court on 
oath, of what they found." The court ordered all the testi- 
mony, including the report of the women, to be sent to the 
Governor and Magistrates at Boston, leaving further proceed- 
ings with them. Mary Parsons was ordered to appear before 
the Court of Assistants at Boston, if so required by them, and 
her husband, Joseph Parsons, was bound in a bond of 60 
pounds, for her appearance. 

Mary Parsons appeared before the Court of Assistants, 
March 2, 1676, and the grand jury presented an indictment 
against her. She was imprisoned in Boston until May 13, 
when she was tried. She was accused of entering into 
&miliarity with the devil, and committing several acts of 
witchcraft on the person or persons of one or more. She 

* Harr Panoxu, as well as her mother, widow Marg^arct Bliss of Spring^field, 
had anmdent ability and confidence to speak before a court. There were other 
wonen, who sometimes managed their own business at courts, and spoke when 
lary. This was not deemed improper. Mary Parsons was invited '*to 
for herself." In 1667, a woman spoke in a town meeting in Windsor, in 
B which concerned her, and not without effect In 1677, widow Editha 
Bfl^foke of Springfield, went into court and " spoke in the case,** relating to her 
of her busband*8 estate. 


pleaded not guilty, and the jury brought in their verdict that 
she was not guilty, and she was discharged. 

Some testimony was presented to the county court against 
John Parsons, son of Joseph and Mary Parsons, but the coart 
did not find much weight m it, and dismissed him. 

On the 7th of March, 1679, John Stebbins of Northampton, 
died in an unusual manner, and a jury of inquest, composed 
of eleven Northampton men and t)oct. Thomas Hastings of 
Hatfield, examined the body. They found " several hundred 
spots, small ones as if they had been shot with small shot, 
which were scraped and under them were holes into his 
body," and some other things not usual. There were suspi- 
cions of witchcraft. The county court met at Northampton, 
April 29, 1679, and Samuel Bartlett, brother of Stebbins's 
widow, was allowed to bring in such testimony as he could 
find. The court sent the testimonies to the Governor and 
Magistrates, but no one was prosecuted.* 

Mary Webster op Hadley. 

The most notable witch in Hampshire county was Mary 
Webster, the wife of William Webster of Hadley. Her 
maiden name was Mary Reeve, and they were married in 1670, 
when he was 53 years old, and she probably some yean 
younger. They became poor, and lived many years in a 
small house in the middle highway into the meadow,t and 
were sometimes aided by the town. Mary Webster's temper, 
which was not the most placid, was not improved by poverty 
and neglect, and she used harsh words when ofiended. 
Despised and sometimes ill-treated,| she was soured with the 
world, and rendered spiteful towards some of her neighbors. 
When they began to call her a witch, and to abuse her, she 
perhaps thought with the " Witch of Edmonton," in the old 
play, who said, " 'Tis all one, to be a witch, as to be accounted 
one." Many stories of the sorceries by which she disturbed 

* There is a tradiUon that John Stebbins had been at work in a saw-mill some 
days before his death, and that some of the boards and log^, by the aid of 
witches, made strange movements, whereby he was injured. 

tThis highway was then six rods wide, and on the north side towards the east 
end, were the pound, the house of William Webster, and for a time, that of Thomas 
Webster. About three rods wide from the north side were sold in 1797, and 
added to the adjoining homelot, which is now owned by John S. Bell, and the 
pound and Wilham mobster's house are supposed to have been on the land now 
occupied for a garden and barn yard by Mr. Bell. 

t At the September Court, 1680, Ann Belding, a girl in her 16th year, daughter 
of Samuel Belding of Hatfield, was charged with ** purposes and practices against 
the body and life of Mary, wife of William Webster of Hadley.'^ She acknowl- 
edged, and was fined one pound to Wm. Webster, and four pounds to the county. 
Her &ther engaged to pay. This is a strange affair, and cannot be explained. 


the people of Hadley have been lost, but a few traditions 
have been preserved : — 

Teams passing to and from the meadow went by her door, 
and she so bewitched some cattle and horses that they 
stopped, and ran back, and ceuld not be driven by her house. 
In such cases, the teamsters used to go into the house and 
whip or threaten to whip her, and she would then let the 
teams pass. She once turned over a load of hay near her 
house, and the driver went in and was about to chastise her, 
when she turned the load back again. She entered a house, 
and had such influence upon an infant on the bed or in the 
cradle, that it was raised to the chamber floor and fell back 
again, three times, and no visible hand touched it. There is 
a story that at another house, a hen came down chimney and 
got scalded in a pot, and it was soon found that Mary Webster 
was sufiering from a scald. The story of her bewitching 
Philip Smith is retained, but is less prominent than the 

Mary Webster appeared before the county court at North- 
ampton, March 27, 1683. The court was composed of John 
IVnchon of Springfield, Peter Tilton and Philip Smith of 
liwiley, William Clarke and Aaron Cooke of Northampton. 
Samuel Partrigg of Hadley was clerk. The following is from 
the record. 

Mary, wife of William Webster of Hadley, bcinj^ under strong anspicion of 
havmg finmiliaritY with the devil, or using witchcraft, and having been in exam- 
ination before the worshipful Mr. Tilton, and many testimonies brought in 
against her, or that did seem to centre upon her, relating to such a thing ; and 
UMB worshipful Mr. Tilton aforesaid binding her to appear at this court, and 
having examined her yet further, and the testimonies aforenamed, look upon her 
case, a matter belonging to the Court of Assistants to judge of, and therefore 
lunre ordered said Mary Webster to be, by the first convenient opportunitjr, sent 
to Boston gaol and committed there as a prisoner, to be further examined there 
aa aforeaaid, and the clerk is to gather up all the evidences and fit them to be 
sent down by the worshipful Mr. Tilton, to our honored governor, that ho may 
communicate them to the magistrates, as he shall judge meet, or further order 
proaecation of said matters. 

She was sent down to Boston in April, 1683, and the Court 
of Assistants was held at Boston, May 22d ; Gov. Bradstreet, 
Deputy Gov. Danforth and nine Assistants being present. 
The record of the court follows : — 

Hjuj Webster, wife to William Webster of Hadley, being sent down upon 
snsTOCion of witchcraft and committed to prison, in order to her trial, was brought 
to tJie bar. The grand-jury being impannelled, they, on perusal of the evidences, 

*Th9Be stories and others were told with gravity by old persons, seventy years 
ago, and were believed by some and laughed at bpr others. There were certain 
persons who were noted as tellers of witcm stories in Hadley, as in other towns. 
Widow Rebekah (Crow) Noble was a famous story teller. 


returned that tbev did indict Mary Webster, wife to William Webster of Hadlej, 
for that she, not having the fear of Ood before her ejes, and being instigated ij 
the devil, hath entered into covenant and had familiarity with him in the shape 
of a warraneage,* and had his imps sucking her, and teats or marks fbimd OB 
her, as in and by several testimomes may appear, contrary to the peace of oar 
sovereign lord, the king, his crown and digni^, the laws of Gk>d and of this 
jurisdiction — The court on their serious' consideration of the testimonies^ did 
leave her to further trial. 

At the Assistants* Court, Sept 4, 1683, Maiy Webster, wife to William Webster 
of Hadley, having been presented for suspicion of witchcraft, &c by a grand- 
jury in Boston on the 22a of May last, and left to further trial, was now caUod 
and brought to the bar, and was indicted by the name of Mary Webster, &e. 
[Here the indictme'nt of May 22d is all repeated ; the warraneage comes in as 
before.] To which indictment she pleaded not guilty, making no ezo 
against any of the jury, leaving herself to be tried by G^ and the coantiy. 
indictment and evidences in the case were read and committed to the jmy, 
the jury brought in their verdict that they found her — not g^ty. 

The expenses of the colony about Mary Webster, appear in the accounts of 
the colony treasurer, viz., 

£. s. d 
Bringing down Mary Webster from Hadley to prison, . 5 

Witnesses about Groodwife Webster, . . . 12 15 2 

Sobert Earl for keeping Mary Webster in Boston, . . . 4 

Cash for carrying Mary Webster to Hadley, . . . 2 

23 15 S 

This acquittal must have elated Mary Webster, and disap- 
pointed many of the people of Hadley, whose numerous 
written testimonies, drawn up with care, had failed to con- 
vince a Boston jury, that she was a witch. Sometime after 
this trial, the power of this enchantress was supposed to be 
exerted upon Lieut. Philip Smith, who died on the 10th of 
January, 1685. The following details are from Cotton 
Mather's Magnalia : — 

Mr. Philip Smith, aged abont fifty years, a son of eminently Yirtaoos parents, 
a deacon of a church in Hadley, a member of the Qeneral Court, a justioe in the 
county Court, a select man for the affairs of the town, a lieutenant of the tzoop^ 
and which crowns all, a man for devotion, sanctity, gpravity, and aU that wav 
honest, exceeding exemplary. Such a man was in the vrinter of the year ]68A» 
murdered with an hideous witchcraft, that filled all those parts of New Enfflaa^ 
with astonishment. He was, by his office concerned about relieving the inSigea- 
ces of a wretched woman in the town ; who being dissatisfied at some of his joit 
cares about her, expressed herself unto him in such a manner, that he deelaied 
himself thenceforward apprehensive of receiving mischief at her hands. 

About the beginning of January, 1684-6, ho began to be very valetudinarions. 
He shewed such weancdness from and weariness of the world, that he knew not 
(he said) whether he might pray for his continuance here : and such asaoranoe 
he had of the Divine love unto mm, that in raptures he would ciy out, Lord, stay 
thv hand ; it is enough, it is more than thy frail servant can bear. But in the 
midst of these things he still uttered an hard suspicion that the ill woman who 
had threatened him, had made impressions with inchantments upon him. While 

* Warraneag, in some Indian dialects, was the same as the Nipmuck wallaneag 
or woollaneag. It was the name of the fisher, or pecan, or wild black cat of the 
woods. All the testimony on which the indictment was founded, came fiom 
persons in Hadley. She had undoubtedly been searched for witch maricB by 
some of the women of Hadley. 


be remained yet of a sound mind, he solemnly charged his brother to look well 
after him. Be sore, (said he) to have a care of me ; for you shall see strange 
things. There shall be a wonder in Hadley ! I shall not be dead when His 
tiMmght I am ! He pressed this charge over and over. 

In his distresses he exclaimed much upon the woman aforesaid, and others, as 
being seen by him in the room. Some oi the young men in the town being out 
of troir wits at the strange calamities thus upon one of their most beloved neigh- 
bors, went three or four times to give disturbance, unto the woman thus com- 
plained of: and all the while they were disturbing of her, he was at ease, and 
ilept as a weary man : yea, these were the only times that they perceived him to 
take any sleep in all his illness. Gaily pots of medicines provided for the sick 
man, were unaccountably emptied : audible scratchings were made about the 
bed, when his hands and feet lay wholly still, and were hel^ by others. They 
beheld fire sometimes on the bed ; and when the beholders began to discourse of 
it, it yaiuahed away. Divers people actually felt something often stir in the bed, 
at a considerable mstance from tne man : it seemed as big as a cat, but they 
could never ^asp it Several trying to lean on the bed's head, tho' the sick man 
lay wholly still, the bed would shake so as to knock their heads uncomfortably. 
Mr. Smith dies : the jury that viewed his corpse, found a swelling on one breast, 
bis back full of bruises, and several holes that seemed made with awls. After 
the opinion of all had pronounced him dead, his countenance continued as lively 
as if ne had been alive ; his eyes closed as in a slumber, and his nether jaw not 
ftlfing down. 

Thus he remained from Saturday morning about sunrise, till Sabbath-day in 
the afternoon ; when those who took him out of the bed, found him still warm, 
tho' the season was as cold as had almost been known in any age : and a New 
£ngland winter does not want for cold. But on Monday morning they found 
the face extremely tumified and discolored. It was black and blue, and fresh 
hlood seemed running down his cheek upon the hairs. Divers noises were also 

beard in the room where the corpse lay ; as the clattering of chtdrs and stools, 

Whereof no account could be given. 
This was the end of so good a man. 

The *• disturbing*' of Mary Webster by the Hadley young men, is thus related 
bj Hutchinson : — ** While he [Philip Smith] lay ill, a number of brisk lads tried 
am experiment upon the old woman. Having dragged her out of the house, they 
Inmc^ her up until she was near dead, let her down, rolled her sometime in the 
•now, and at last buried her in it, and there left her ; but it happened that she 
sorviyed, and the melancholy man died." 

The people having failed in a legal prosecution, the young 
men now undertook to punish her illegally. Yet Mary 
Webster lived eleven years after they hung her up, and buried 
her in the snow, and died in peace in 1696.* Her age may 
have been about seventy. Her husband died in 1687 or 1688. 

Mary Webster was the fourth person sent from Connecticut 
River to Boston to be tried for witchcraft, and all were 
acquitted, — an indication that the courts were inclined to 
mildnefls. No inhabitant of Hampshire was ever executed for 

At the Springfield Court, Sept. 29, 1691, Mary Randall 
was complained of for witchcraft. The court postponed the 

*It is not known that Mary Webster annoyed the people of Hadley by her 
witdk pranks after 1685. Her last eleven years may have been spent in quiet- 
Baas. The inventory of her small estate after her decease, in 1696, included a 
bed and a few other things for housekeeping, and some articles of dress. She 
had a Bible, psalm-book and three sermon l>ooks, which were probably left by 
her hnaband. 


case for a year, and then her father, William Randall of 
Enfield, became surety for her good behavior, and there were 
no fm*ther proceedings. This was the last recorded case of 
suspected witchcraft in Hampshire county. 

Previous to 1692, the number of persons executed for 
witchcraft in Massachusetts and Connecticut was nine or ten, 
though the magistrates intended to be cautious, and several 
times set aside the verdict of a jury to save those declared 
guilty. In February, 1692, a terrible witchcraft delusion, 
which commenced in Salem Village, now Danvers, produced 
great terror and suffering in several towns and resulted* in the 
execution of twenty persons. A few misguided ministers and 
magistrates, by their rash and unjustifiable proceedings, "led 
their fellow-citizens into a labyrinth of error and iniquity, 
and stained the character of their country."* In less than a 
year, men came to their senses, the destructive frenzy term- 
inated, and the people looked back upon the scene of 
barbarity and cruelty with horror and remorse. Prosecutions 
for witchcraft forever ceased in New England.t 

The dreadful witch-mania of 1692, was local and not 
general. It did not extend into Hampshire county, and 
Connecticut was free from it, except a part of Fairfield 
county. Connecticut ceased to punish for witchcraft about 
the same time with Massachusetts. In 1693 and after, grand- 
juries refused to indict for witchcraft. 

Witchcraft was a capital crime in other colonies and the 
belief in it was as firm in them, as in Massachusetts and 
Connecticut. Suspected witches were tried in most, if not 
all, the other colonies, but it is not known that any were 
executed. Some of the colonies manifested their full convic- 
tion of the reality of witchcraft in the 18th century. Soutii 
Carolina adopted the act of James I. '^ against conjuration, 
witchcraft and dealing with evil and wicked spirits," in 1712. 
Still later, in 1728, Rhode Island enacted that " witchcraft is 
and shall be felony ; and whosoever shall be lawfully con- 
victed thereof shall suffer the pains of death." 

Almost all the absurdities, superstitions and cruelties con- 
nected with the belief in witchcraft in America, originated in 
Europe. Our courts, in witchcraft trials, had as guides the 
decisions of distinguished English judges, and the rules of 
eminent English lawyers. The people read English books 
on witchcraft, written by Puritans and by men of the English 

* President D wight, t A tradition is related by Pres. Dwight, that Col. Samuel 
Partridge of Hatfield, instead of listening to the complaint of a Northampton 
man, who accused his neighbor of bewitching him, ordered the accuser to be 
whipped ten stripes on the spot. 


church. The Rev. Joseph Glanvill, vicar of Frome, chaplain 
of Charles II., and a member of the Royal Society, was a 
distinguished writer in favor of the existence of witches, 
witchcraft and apparitions, and his books were read in New 
England before any such were published here. 

•• The horsenshoe's nailed, each threshold's guard," said the 
pjoet Gay, 160 years since. Among the ridiculous preserva- 
tives against witchcraft was the horse-shoe nailea on the 
threshold of the door. Several writers in the 17th century 
mention that it was very common to nail horse-shoes to the 
threshold of doors in the west end of London, to keep out 
witches, and some were laid upon a tile under the porches of 
churches, to prevent witches entering. Fifty years ago, 
many houses in England had the horse-shoe nailed against 
the threshold, and some may still be found. Howitt mentions 
a man at Nottingham, who has the ancient charm of reversed 
horse-shoes nailed on both the lintel and sill of his door.* 


The Poor of Hadley— Story of Rebekah Crow— Marriages and Weddings- 
Funerals and Mourning — Hadley Grave-yard — Titles— Names — Old Style and 
New Style. 

Among those who signed the agreement in 1669, to remove 
to Hadley, were John Arnold and widow Westly. Both were 
poor and infirm, and remained at Hartford. The record says 
that John Arnold was too weak to come to Hadley. Those 
who lived at Hadley voted in April, 1662, to give John 
Arnold £5 a year, at Hartford, during his life, and to his 
wife 60 shillings a year after his decease. Voted also to give 
widow Westly 60 shillings a year, if she remain at Hartford. 

• A few in New England had faith in the efficacy of the horse-shoe. The 
boDMS of two or three men (brothors) in Northampton, had a horse-shoe fastened 
to the threshold, about a hundred years since. 

European writers affirm that a belief in witchcraft lingers extensively in every 
conntiy of Europe. There is much of it in England. Let no one imagine that 
it is extinct in the United States. 

Hutchinson says more persons have been put to death for witchcraft in a sinjgle 
cooDty in England, in a short space of time, than have suffered in all New 
Enflrland, since the first settlement. 

Tlw feats attributed to witches were not all imaginair. Those who testified 
were not all impostors. Some strauge, inexplicaole deeds were done, as in 
m o d em spiritnahsm. This may be aamitted, without believing that there is 
may thing fnpemataral in these things. 



For a long time, Hadley had no resident poor that required 
aid from the town. In May, 1676, when men were preparing 
to go up to the falls-fight, the town vot^d to pay for damage 
in person and estate, if the colony failed to pay. Jonathan 
Wells was severely wounded, and was a long time under the 
care of Mr. Bulkley, the surgeon, at Wethersfield. Massa- 
chusetts did not pay all the expense, and Hadley paid some 

In 1679, the town erected a small house, called the town 
house, for the present use of Thomas Webster, in the middle 
highway not far from the pound. William Webster previously 
had a small house in the same highway. See page 197. 
Thomas Webster was not supported by the town. He 
maintained his family by his labor, and returned to Northfield 
in 1684. William Webster was aided by the town some 
years in his old age ; and his widow, who had been reputed a 
witch, was furnished with diet and wood a few years. 

Thomas Elgarr, who had been a soldier in the Indian war, 
resided in Hadley some years, and owing to disease or lame- 
ness, he was supported by the town a year or two. The 
town paid 32 persons ^13 for keeping him 65 weeks at 48. 
per week previous to January, 1685. He seems to have gone 
from house to house, and was kept from one to three weeks 
at a place. Each was paid 48. per week in town pay. He 
recovered and settled in SuflBeld. 

In 1687, widow Baldwin was poor and infirm, and the town 
voted March 3d, that she should be removed from house to 
house, to such as are able to receive her, and remain a fort- 
night in each family. " To go from Samuel Porter's, senior, 
southward, and round the town." Joseph Baldwin, senior 
and junior, each left a widow, and it was one of these widows 
that was to board "round the town" of Hadley. Both 
removed to Springfield, where they had relatives. 

John Hillier (or Hilliard,) was from Windsor, and after 
living many years in Northampton, removed to Hadley, where 
he died in 1729, aged 85. Had a wife and three children. 
In 1697, he was to have the house near the pound that 
William Webster had occupied. In 1718, the town voted to 
build a small log house for him, " where he now lives." He 
had occasional aid from the town in his old age. — In 1728, 
the town voted ^ 10 to support the poor. 

In 1731, and four years after, the town voted 40 pounds 
yearly to Mr. Chauncey, in consideration of two indigent 
persons in his family. In 1735, his son is mentioned as one 
of them, meaning Israel, who was deranged some years. The 
other indigent person is unknown. In 1760, Daniel Smith, a 


deranged man, died in Amherst. He had received aid from 

These are all the poor aided hy the town, that are found 
in the Hadley records for a century. Perhaps the names of 
some are not in the records. It may be doubted whether the 
expense of the town for the poor exceeded 150 pounds in 
100 years, exclusive of those at Mr. Chauncey's. From 1760 
to 1780, Aaron Wells is the only pauper that appears in the 
records, but there may have been others. 

Previous to 1793, the number of paupers had increased to 
eight, viz., Joel Kellogg and wife, Jabez Selden and wife, 
David Warner, widow Rebekah Noble,* Rebekah Smith, 
widow Coats. — The fathers of five or six of these left good 

In January, 1793, Major John Smith "bid ofT' these 8 
persons, and agreed to board and clothe them for a year for 
88 pounds, or 11 pounds each, (about 37 dollars,) and "to 
return them at the year's end as well clothed as when he 
takes them." In January, 1794, the same eight poor persons, 
by vote of the town, were " to be disposed of to the lowest 
bidder, singly, or in pair8."t Most oi them were bid off at 
4 shillings per week. From 1795 to 1805, the town voted 
yearly for the support of paupers, from 200 to 250 dollars. 
Since 1805, the expense of the poor has in some years been 
as high as 500, 600 or 700 dollars. 

Mabruges and Weddings. 

In Massachusetts, no persons were married by ministers for ,^ 
62 years, except a very tew in Boston and the vicinity, under 
the government of Dudley and Andros. Only magistrates, 
and such as the General Court and Court of Assistants should 
authorize, where there was no magistrate, were allowed to 
join persons together in marriage. There were similar laws 

* Rebekah Crow, bom in 1712, was a daughter of Samuel Crow of Hadley, 
and had respectable relatives in Hadlej and Hatfield. When young, she was a 
ffirl of superior beauty and much admired. She was wooed by a young man 
nom Hartford, and the attachment was mutual. She was spirited and self- 
directing, and in attending an evening party in Hadley, her lover paid more 
attention to another lady uian she thought was proper, and her jealousy was 
excited and she hastily dismissed him. She soon exceedingly regretted what she 
had done, but did not attempt to conciliate him. According to tradition, she was 
after this, in some respects, a changed person, and did not again become a gay 
and sprightly girl. Sne married at the ago of 49, Daniel Noble of Westfield, and 
after his death, lived in Hadley, and when her estate was expended, she was 
maintained by the town. She who in early life had as fair prospects as any 
young lady in Hadley, died a town pauper in 1802, at the age of 90. ^e 
possessed a ereat fund of anecdotes and stories, including many witch-stories, 
and she deligoted the young by her wonderful recitals. 

tXhis censurable practice of disposing of the poor to the lowest bidder has 
long been discontinued in Hadley. 


in the colonies of Connecticut, New Haven and Plymouth. 
The ministers of New England approved these laws, and were 
perhaps the real movers of them. They were Bible-men, and 
though marriage was an institution of Grod, they knew very 
well that the Scriptures did not direct how or by whom the 
marriage ceremony should be performed, and that the inter- 
vention of a priest or Levite was not required in the marriages 
of the ancient Jews, and that the marriages of the early 
Christians for about 800 years, were not sanctioned by the 
services of their ministers. In Scotland and some other parts 
of Europe, it was not necessary that marriage should be 
celebrated by a clergyman. In 1692, under the new charter, 
Massachusetts General Court directed that marriages should 
be solemnized by Justices of the Peace, and settled ministers. 
In a few years after this law, it was the general custom for 
pastors to marry. Before 1692, when magistrates married, 
they also made the prayers, but if a minister was present, he 
was usually invited to make at least one of the two prayers. 

In May, 1661, when Hadley was incorporated, William 
>/ Westwood was authorized to join persons in marriage, or in 
his absence, one of the other commissioners, who were then, 
Andrew Bacon and Samuel Smith. In 1668, Henry Clarke 
was authorized to marry. In 1677, Lieut. Samuel ^mith was 
empowered to solemnize marriages. Peter Tilton became a 
magistrate in 1680, and Capt. Aaron Cooke a justice in 1687, 
and they united people in wedlock until Mr. Chauncey was 
settled in 1696, and Capt. Cooke still later, when requested. — 
Mr. Russell, the first minister, did not marry a couple during 
his life, unless in the last year, 1692. He had been three 
times married by a magistrate, and all ministers were married 
by magistrates previous to 1692. — ^Aaron Cooke, Jr. and Sarah 
' Westwood were married May 20, 1661, and were the first 
couple married in Hadley. 

Not much is known respecting the nuptial festivities and 
wedding customs in this part of the country, in the 17th and 
part of the 18th centuries. Marriages were occasions of joy 
and merriment. The groom had some new garments, and the 
bride had as rich a wedding dress as in her circumstances, 
could be afibrded. Mather, in 1719, said it was expected that 
the newly married couple would appear as such, in the public 
assembly, on the next Lord's day. This custom continued 
more than a century after 1719. It was termed " coming out 
groom and bride." It still remains in many places. 

The following account of the marriage of Mr. Aaron Porter 
and Susanna Sewall, daughter of Stephen Sewall, Esq. of 
Salem, is from the Diary of Judge Samuel Sewall, who was a 


brother of Stephen. Mr. Aaron Porter was a son of the 
second Samuel Porter of Hadley, and was the first minister of 

•• 1713. Oct 22. I go to Salem, visit Mr. Epes and Col. Hathome. See 
Mr. Noyes many Mr. Aaron Porter and Mrs. Susan Sewall at my brother's. 
Was a pretty deal of company present — Mr. Hirst and wife, Mr. Blower, 
Mr. Preacott, Mr. Tuft, senior and junior, Madam Leverett, Foxcroft, (Qoff, 
Kitchen ; Mr. Samuel Porter the father, I should have said before ; many young 
gentlemen and gentlewomen. Mr. Noyes made a speech; said love was the 
iQgar to sweeten every condition in the married state. Prayed once. Did all 
rerj well. After the sack-posset, &c. sung the 45th Psalm from the 8th verse to 
the end, five staves. I set it to Windsor tune. I had a very good Turkey- 
leather Psalm-book, which I looked in while Mr. Noyes read, and then I gave it 
to the bridegroom, saying, * I give you this Psalm-book, in order to your perpet- 
Qatinjg this sone, and 1 would have you pray that it may bo an introduction to 
our singing with the choir above.' "* 

Kissing the bride was not customary in the interior of New 

£Dgland, until some time in the present century, and the 

practice is far from being general now. It was derived from 

the English, who have been notorious for kissing, on various 

occasions, for centuries. — Dancing at weddings was rare 

^mong the people, in most parts of New England, in the 17th 

oentury, but became very frequent in the 18th century .t The 

j>eople of Hadley danced at weddings in the last century, but 

tiie practice has been uncommon in that town for forty 


Stealing the bride, was formerly done in some places in 

^ew England. Madam Knight of Boston, notices in 1704, 

•* the former practice among us, to steal Miss Bride." There 

are many traditions respecting it in Northampton and Hadley. 

Some young men, who had not been invited to the wedding, 

seized the bride, in the street or house, and led her off, and 

kept her until they were invited to join the party. A Hadley 

traidition says they sometimes took her to a public house, and 

retained her until the groom ordered an entertainment for 

*I am indebted to the Rev. Saniacl Sewall of Burlington, Mass. for this extract 
from the Diary of Judge Sewall. lie accompanied it (J 846) with observations 
on the foivotton customs of our fathers. Some of his remarks follow : — ^A century 
and a hall ago, they had sack-posset at weddings, and sung Windsor. Now not 
one in a hundred ever heard of sack-posset, and I should as soon expect to hear 
jankeendoodle struck up as Windsor. They used the old Bay Psalm-Dook, which 
waa read and sung, line by line, at the social party, on occasions of festivity and 
in funily worship, and was in every parlor as well as iu every meeting-houaei 
Imt is now assigned over to the antiquary and forgotten. 

In ]682, Judge Sewall was present at the marriage of Daniel Quincy and 
Anna Shepard. A magistrate married them, the two prayers were made by 
ministers, and the large company had cake, wine and beer, and singing succeeded. 

t A great wcdding^dance took place at New London, at the house of Nathaniel 
Shaw, Esq., June 12, 1769, the day after the marriage of his son, Daniel Shaw 
and Qraoe Coit. 92 gentlemen and ladies attended, and danced 92 jig^, 52 contra- 
danoeSy 45 minuets and 17 hornpipes, and retired at 45 minutes past midnight. 


them. She was treated gently and kindly. These afiairs 
seem to have produced no quarrels, but to have been some- 
times an addition to the wedding frolic. The last bride stolen 
in Hadley is said to have been Elizabeth, daughter of Oliver 
Smith, who was married to Doct. Job Marsh in 1783. The 
practice ceased in Northampton some years before. 

There were occasionally, second day weddings, or wedding 
festivities kept up the second day, in the last and present 
centuries, with much eating, drinking and dancing.* 

The greater part of the marriages in Hampshire county for 
150 years took place on Thursdtnr, but many on Wednesday, 
and some on other days. Very few on Saturday, or Sunday. 
Marriages were usually solemnized at the residence of the 
bride. The paternal mansion seems to be the most appro- 
priate place. — There were some deviations. David Hillhouse 
and Sarah Porter were married in Hadley meeting-house, 
Oct. 7, 1781, and a few couples since. — ^The parente of the 
writer were married in Southampton meeting-house, Sept. 1, 
1774. Marriages in meeting-houses have been very rare. 

The marriage fee was fixed at 3 shillings in 1692, 4s. in 
1716, 1753 and 1760, and 6s. in 1787. The fee of the town 
clerk for the publishment and certificate was Is. 6d. after 
1716. The mmister or justice was to pay for recording the 

In some towns in this vicinity, in former days, when a 
couple had agreed to be united, the father of the young man 
went to the parents of the young woman, and asked leave for 
his son to marry their daughter. This was " asking leave." 
It was sometimes done by the 'young man himself. 

Marrying a deceased wife's sister. — The church of England, 
the church of Scotland, and the laws of England, have never 
allowed a man to marry his deceased wife's sister. The 
American colonies, including Massachusetts and Connecticut, 
were formerly equally averse to such marriages. The Court 
of Assistants in Connecticut judged that the marriage of a 
man at New Haven with his deceased wife's sister, was incest- 
uous, and declared it null and void, in May, 1694. In the 
course of the last century, most men changed their views and 
concluded that a man might marry his wife's sister. Ebenezer 
Clark of Westhampton and afterwards of Lunenburg, Vt., 

* February 2, 1769, Josiah Dwight of Hatfield was married, and had a two 
days wedding in Hatfield Addition, now Williamsbargh. About 18 couples 
attended the wedding from Hatfield, and had a good dinner, and spent most of 
the succeeding night in dancing and frolicking. The next morning, ''we 
ffreeted the rising sun with fiddling and dancing," say a one of the party, in 
bis diary. 


married three sisters, daughters of Ebenezer Pomeroy of Had- 
ley, in 1774, 1793 and after 1805, apparently without oppo- 
sition or censure. Judge Story is said to have declared that 
such marriages have no immoral tendency, but are deemed 
the best sort.* 

Divorce. — ^It is believed that only one couple belonging to 
Hadley were ever separated by a divorce, and they were 
negroes. In January, 1752, the Council of Massachusetts 
granted to Ralph Way of Hadley, a divorce from his wife, 
Lois Way, on account of her adultery with another negro, 
named " Boston. — There was a petition for a divorce from 
Sprin^eld in 1687, which was unsuccessful. There was one 
from ITorthampton in 1695 ; the result is not known. Divor- 
ces were always more easily obtained in Connecticut than in 

Courtship. — ^In this vicinity, where in past times, nearly 
all were working men and working women, courting was done, 
almost necessarily, after night-fall. Even those belonging 
to families considered the most respectable, often extended 
the hours of courtship to midnight, 80 or 100 years ago. 
When a young man requested a girl to spend a little time or 
a few hours with him, and she refused, he ^as shabbed ; if she 
consented, he staid with her. These were common expres- 
sions in rural places, in former days.t 

By a law oi Massachusetts in 1647, no one might endeavor 
to draw away the affections of a maid under pretence of 
marriage, before he had obtained liberty from her parents or 
governors. The fine for the first offense was ^5. There were 
BO prosecutions for this offense in Hampshire county, and 
very few any where. 

Funerals and Mourning. 

Lechford, in his "News from New England" in 1642, says — 
** At burials nothing is read, nor any funeral sermon made, 
but all the neighborhood, or a good company of them, come 
together by tolling of the bell, and carry the dead solemnly 
to his grave, and there stand by him while he is buried. The 
ministers are most commonly present." There was no prayer. 

*Miiscatt, a late writer in England, says, "God's law interdicts not such a 
marriage. Common sense discountenances it not. Christian ethics disapprove 
it not. Tet in the eye of the English law, the wife is only a concubine, and the 
children bastards." 

tTlM mode of courtship called bundling, which prevailed in some parts of 
Eniope, was not nncommon in some places in New England, in the last century. 
Ber. Jonathan Edwards preached a sermon against it in Northampton, more 
tlum a centoiy since. Old men in Hadley have no knowledge ot any such 
pfsctioe in that town, in their day. 


The Presbyterian Church of Scotland used no funeral ser- 
mons nor any prayers at the burial of the dead. The Hugue- 
nots of France had no prayer nor sermon at funerals. 

The ministers of New England, and those of some churches 
in Europe refrained from prayers at funerals, because there 
was in the Bible neither precept nor example for such prayers. 
After 60 or 70 years, a few ministers began to pray at fune- 
rals, in Massachusetts, and Mather says, about 1719, that in 
many towns the minister made a prayer at the house and a 
short speech at the grave ; in other places both of these were 
wholly omitted. * 

The funeral customs in England and other parts of Europe 
were very bad for centuries. Brand, in his Popular Antiqui- 
ties, says the wakes or watchings with the dead, were scenes 
of sport, drinking and lewdness in England, and they still 
resemble Bacchanalian revels. The wealthy made profuse 
and expensive funerals. Many funerals w^ere closed with 
merry-makings. A tavern keeper in London told Misson, a 
continental traveler, about 1696, that at his wife's funeral, 
above 250 gallons of wine were drank. Funeral sermons 
were often preached. Dr. Sanderson, bishop of Lincoln, in 
his will in 1662, ftmressed his " utter dislike of the flatteries 
commonly used in funeral sermons, and of the vast expenses 
laid out in funeral solemnities and entertainments." 

The practice of partaking of wine, ardent spirits, cakes, &c« 
at funerals was brought from England to the American colo- 
nies; also the custom of expending large sums for gloves, 
rings, scarfs, and mourning garments. The funeral expenses 
charged in the Probate Records of Suffolk and Middlesex 
counties in Massachusetts are often surprisingly large, and 
must have greatly diminished many estates. Men sometimes 
^ provided for their funerals in their wills. Edward Baker 
of Lynn, an ancestor of the Bakers of Northampton, in 
his will in 1685, ordered " a decent funeral suitable to my 
rank and quality." The heaviest funeral expenses were for 
mourning apparel, rings, gloves, and wine and other liquors. 
The wine for such occasions was sometimes burnt, spiced and 
sugared. In some cases, gloves were lavishly given — 700 
pairs at one funeral, 1000 pairs at another, and above 3000 
pairs and 200 rings at the funeral of A. Faneuil in Boston in 
1738. Gold rings were given to ministers and to many others. 
A Boston minister in 1728 estimated that the rings and gloves 
which he received at funerals in a year were worth 15 pounds. 
The funeral of Governor Burnet at Boston, Sept. 12, 1729, 
cost Massachusetts ^£1097, lis. 3d. In 1742, the General 
Court passed an act against giving scarfs, gloves, wine, rum 


and rings at fiinerals, except six pairs of gloves to the bearers 
and one pair to the minister. Penalty, .£60. The act was 
to continue only five years.* 

Funeral expenses are seldom noticed in the Probate records 
of Hampshire. The extravagance of many in Boston and the 
vicinity at funerals, was not imitated in these agricultural 
towns. Seldom were rings or gloves given. Cake and wine 
or other liquors were sometimes distributed. At the burial 
of the widow of John Barnard, of Hadley, in 1665, the cake 
and wine cost 40 shillings. But few mourning articles were 
worn previous to 1700, and the people did not indulge in 
expensive mourning down to the Eevolution, except a few 
&milies. The account books of Hampshire traders show that 
few mourning goods were required from 1660 to 1770. They 
were more common the latter part of this period, and were 
then chiefly black gloves, black gauze, black gauze handker- 
chiefs, black fans, black ribbons, and black lustring. There 
were some black silk scarfs and a few black gowns of silk 
crape, but perhaps these did not. always indicate mourning. 

A lew men wore crape hatbands. Mourning crape called 

widow's crape, was seldom sold. 

At the funeral of Col. John Stoddard of Northampton, in 

1748, some rings and gloves were given. At the funeral of 

the wife of Col. Timothy Dwight of Northampton, in 1763, 
pairs of gloves were distributed. At the funerals of some 

_ ns of less note, six pairs of white gloves were given to 

-tiie pall bearers, and one pair to the minister. The six pairs 
laid on the coffin, three pairs on each side. — Gloves 
distributed at the funeral of Kev. Dr. Samuel Hopkins 

^>f Hadley, Feb. 12, 1811 — ^probably the last gloves given at 

^ funeral in Hampshire.! 

Hadley Bubying Ground. 

There is no record of the vote designating this place as a 
grave yard. It was reserved as early as 1661, on the meadow 

Slain, adjoining the west end of the homclot of Edward 
hurch, 16 rods, and of the middle highway, 4 rods, making 



»**Jientl, ** 600 cockles, [cookicd or aikes] ami cue ami a balf gross of pipes" 
"tre fumUhed. The funeral customs in the ini<Ullo and southern colonics were 
■Hire cxceptioDablo tlian in New Enjj^land. The house of moiu-nin}^ in Europe 
^ Amenca was often a house of drinking, and sometimes of teasting. 

tThe six pall bearers who received the gloves were four ministers — Lyman of 
flatiield, W^ells of Whately, Williams of Northampton, Parsons of Amherst ; and 
two othexB, Govemor Strong and Doct. Ebenezer Hunt ot Northampton. 



it 20 rods north and south, and it was about 10} rods east and 
west. It consisted of two ridges, the highest in this part of 
the meadow, and of the valley between. These 210 square 
rods were the burial place for the old village of Hadley above 
130 years. In 1792, 6 or 7 rods by 20 were added on the 
east side, from the homelots, (the old homelot was in two,) 
and the highway. In 1828, about 16 or 17 rods by 20 were 
purchased on the east side. The yard is now not far from 
34 rods by 20, and contains a little more than four acres. 

Almost all the grave stones erected previous to 1800 are of 
sand-stone, and many of the older ones are thick, heavy and 
rude. The five tables are of the same material. The later 
grave stones are of reddish sand-stone, and exhibit much 
better workmanship, and some have a face sculptured on the 
front. A number of slate stones have been erected. The 
people began to procure marble monuments a few years after 
ISOO, and the greater part of those set up for thirty or forty 
years past, are of marble. Flowers bloom on some graves, 
(June, 1858.) 

There is a stone at the grave of Doct. John Westcarr, who 
died in 1675, but it seems to have been erected many years 
after his death. The oldest monuments in the yard are the 
tables over the graves of Kev. John Russell and his wife 
Rebekah, erected in 1693. There are only ten stones in the 
yard with dates earlier than 1720 ; only ten when the town 
had been settled 60 years. Of the fathers of Hadley previous 
to 1663, only five have grave stones in Hadley grave yard, 
viz.. Rev. John Russell, Capt. Aaron Cooke, Chileab Smith, 
John Ingram ; and the late Noah Webster set up a stone to 
the memory of his ancestor, John Webster, who died April 5, 
1661. He was the first person buried in the yard, exceptinff 
perhaps an unnamed infant of Philip Smith, that was buried 
Jan. 22, 1661.* 

There are four more grave yards in Hadley, viz., at Hocka- 
num, North Hadley, Plaiuville, and near Sunderland. 

There was no hearse in Hadley until the year 1826. In 
that town, as in others, the dead were previously carried on 
a shoulder bier, sometimes for miles. In the winter, some 
were conveyed by sleighs. 

Titles — ^Mister, Goodman, &c. 

When settlements began in New England, the people of 
Old England, below the nobility, baronets and knights, and 

"* I am indebted to Mr. L. M. Boltwood of Amherst, for the name, time of 
deccaso and age of those persons to whose memonr monaments have been erected 
in this burying ground, copied by him in 1649. The number was then about 313. 


above the plebeians, were esquires and gentlemen, and they 
bore the title of Master or Mister or Mr. Lawyers, physicians, 
educated men, captains in the wars, wealthy merchants and 
others who could live without manual labor and bear the port 
of a gentleman, were called Master and taken for gentlemen. 
Many of these gentlemen, called Master or Mister, came to 
America. Of 1780 men made freemen of Massachusetts 
before 1649, about one in fourteen had the title of Mr. before 
his name. It may have been given to some to whom it would 
not have been applied in England. There were a few with 
this title in Hadley among the first planters, as John Russell, 
the minister, John Webster, William Goodwin, Peter Tilton, 
and Henry Clarke; and it was sometimes given to a few 
others. For many years, the people of Hadley would have 
been surprised, if not shocked, if a common farmer or 
mechanic nad been called mister. Militia officers always had 
military titles.* Ecclesiastical titles were sparingly used. 
Magistrates were Misters and Esquires; Worshipful, some- 
times applied to them, was in England a less dignified title 
than that of Honorable. 

Of those below gentlemen, in England, and sometimes 
called plebeians, were the yeomen who owned or occupied 
land, some merchants, shopkeepers, artificers or mechanics, 
and laborers of various kinds. Sir Thomas Smith says, in 
1663 : — ** Yeomen are not called masters, but to their sur- 
names may add ' Goodman,' as Goodman White, Goodman 
Finch." Markham, in his " English Husbandman," about 1613, 
says : — " A husbandman is he who tilleth the ground, and the 
ancients did call him a good man ; and we at this day call 
every husbandman, in ordinary conference and every particu- 
lar salutation, Goodman such-a-onc, a title of more honor and 
virtuous note than many which precede it at feasts and in 
gaudy places." This appellation was much used among the 
husbandmen of Massachusetts, and was common in Hadley. 
A number in Hadley as in other towns were addressed and 
spoken of by their Christian name and surname only, or by 
one of these. 

* " Our fathers were essentially a martial people. The warlike virtues were to 
them a necessity. Military titles were in hij^h repute among them. Tliey were 
preferred to civil or ecclesiastical honors. The corporal was on the road to 
distinction. A sergeant had attained distinction and his title was never omitted. 
An ensign or a lieutenant was lifted quite above the heads of his fellows. A 
captain was necessarily a man of great influence." — ihonson's History of 

]^lilitary titles were as common in other colonies as in those of New England. 
The council of sixteen in Virginia, in 165G, was composed of 11 colonels, 
8 lieat. colonels and 3 captains. The Virginia House of Burgesses, in 1666, had 
26 men with a military title, and only 8 without such title. 



Mister was gradually extended, and became so general that 
it ceased to be a distinctive title, in the first half of the last 

Female Titles. — A few women denominated Ladies, came to 
New England. It is presumed that this appellation was not 
often used in the Hampshire towns for many years, as a title 
or compliment. The wife and daughters of a Mister might 
claim to be called Mistress, which, abbreviated, became Mrs. 
and was sometimes written Mtris. The title Miss, applied to 
a young female of good reputation, was introduced later, 
perhaps after 1720. It seems to have had a struggle with 
Mrs. and each w^as occasionally given to an unmarried female. 
Some young females were published in Hadley previous to 
their marriage, with Mrs. before their names, down to 1794. 
— The Goodman's wife was called Goodwife or Goody ; and 
when he became a Mr. she might be a Mrs. Many women as 
well as men were spoken of and to by their names, without 
any addition. It is seldom that female titles are found in the 
records of towns, and those of men are often omitted. 

Christian Names. 

Christian names of Hadley children from 1660 to 170<), including some bom 
after 1700, belonging to families in which the births began before that date ; with 
the niiiiiber of children that bore each name. Those born on the west side of the 
river, which was a part of Hadley some years, are not included. 





































Timothy, 5 

Benjamin, 4 
Experience, 4 

No;ih, 4 

Isiiac, 4 

Israel, 4 

Philip, 3 

Jacob, 3 

Edwaid, 3 

Luke, 3 

Hezckiah, 3 

Nathan, 3 

Charles, 2 

Nehemiah, 2 

Elisha, 2 

Martin, 2 

Joshua, 2 

Georffe, 2 

Josiah, 2 

Westwood, 2 
Mark, 2 

One name, 22 



Mary, 58 

8arah, 42 

Hannah, 33 

Elizabeth, 31 

Abigail, 23 

Kebecca, 20 

Mehetabel, 13 

Joanna, 1 1 

Mercy, 10 

Esther, 10 

Lydia, 8 

Names given to only one child. — Males. — Robert, Solomon, 
Eliakim, rreservcd, Andrew, Hcnrj-, Abraham, Adam, Elihu 
Ezekiel, Job, Peter, Enos, Cotton, Pliinchas, Antony, Benoni, 
FemaleH. — Elinor, Hope, Jerusha, Mindwell, Margaret, Dinah, 
Gracxi, Jane, Frances, Deliverance. — 12. 

Martha, 7 

Ruth, 7 

Anne, 6 

Dorothy, 5 

Thankful, 5 

Bridget, 4 

Dorcas, 4 

Miriam, 4 

Rachel, 4 

Experience, 3 

IMscilla, 2 

Prudence, 2 

Mabel, 2 

Eunice, 2 

Catharine, 2 

One name, 12 

Chileab, Peletiah, 
, Caleb, Edmund, 
Zechariah — .22. — 
Susanna, Theoda, 

*Rev. Thomas Ruggles of Guilford, Conn., in a short History of that placo 
written in 1769, says the first settlers were gentlemen called Mr. and the 
commonalty named Goodman or Neighbor such-a-one. He continues : — " How 
greatly are times now changed ! Every man almost is called Mr. and every 
woman Miss, Madam or Lady/' 


There were 382 male children, of Gl different names, and 
330 female children, of 38 different names. The males were 
about 100 to 86 females — an unusual inequality. The people 
of Hadley have no reason to be ashamed of the names which 
their ancestors gave to their children, though many of them 
are seldom now given. The planters of Hadley perused the 
Bible, and derived most of their names from it, rejecting the 
most harsh and uncouth Scripture names. They had a few 
names from virtues, &c., as Mercy, Thankful, Prudence, Grace, 
Hope, Experience ; and some Saxon and Norman names, as 
William, Richard, Edward, Henry, &c. Two of the children 
were named from the surname of the mother, viz., Westwood 
and Cotton. More than half the males had one of the first 
six names in the list of males, and half the females had one of 
the first four names of females. Of 226 wives named in 
Hadley firom 1660 to 1720, 146 bore the name of Mary, 
Sarah, Hannah, Elizabeth or Abigail. Of 147 persons in 
Hadley valuation in 1731, half had one of these five names, — 
John, Samuel, Ebenezer, Joseph, William.* 

Double Christian Names. — The people of Old and New 
England were generally satisfied with one baptismal name 
until the 18th century. Men with a middle name are rarely 
found previous to 1700. In New England, the number of 
double Christian names was small previous to the Revolution, 
and such names did not become numerous till after 1800* 

* A few namos seem to have comprehended more than half the people of Old 

England as well as of New England. In many lists of men in England, from 

160U to 1700, seven namos included above one-half, and in almost every list, these 

most common names were John, Thomas, Richard, William, EdwiutI, Henry, 

Bobert. Of 800 officers of the king's army in Sept. 1640, more than half bore 

these names. Of 578 persons appointed by the Parliament in 1643 to aid in 

lasessing taxes, about two-thirds bore the same seven names. Of 903 baronets 

ereated from 1611 to 1686, the seven names included many more than half. Of 

a large number of men, named in a History of the county of Essex, England, 

before and after 1600, half had the same seven names. Of a long list of Essex 

kmalea, nearly half were named Mary, Elizabeth, Anne or Margaret Names of 

l^iritans and anti-Puritans were very similar in England. The names of the 

emigrants to New England did not uifTor much from the names generally used 

in £Dgland. Of above 1200 admitted as freemen of Massachusetts before 1641, 

JHore than half had one of the same seven names. There was a great increase 

of Bible names after the emigration to New England. The names of half the 

graduates of Harvard College previous to 1701 were John, Samuel, Joseph, 

Xhomas, Nathaniel. It appears by a remark of Montaigne, that the Huguenots 

of France preferred Bible-names. 

The Puritans had some awkward names, but it seems that many of the ridio> 
tllona names attributed to them, in England, by Hume and others, are fictitious. 
]^y0 the Pictorial History of Englan(f, 1603 to 1660, "nearly all the ridiculous 
Xiames, given to tho Independents at this time, are pure inventions, made fifty 
^^ars after by a clergyman of tho established churcn.'' The names of men on 
'^e fictitious juries of Hume and Lower, and the ** new names*' noticed by 
C!amden, are not found among those who came to New England. A few of tho 
shorter ones were given to children born in New England, but not often. 


Nine persons in Hadley had a middle name before the year 
1776, and five of them were named from their maternal 

Old Style and New Style. 

Julius Caesar made a reform in the calendar, 46 years 
before Christ. His solar year consisted of 365 days and 
6 hours, and the 6 hours were taken into account, by making 
every fourth year of 366 days. This manner of computing 
time is old style. There was an error in it, the true solar 
year beinff 11 minutes and some seconds short of 365 J days, 
and this difference made a whole day in about 129 years, and 
before the year 1582, the vernal equinox occurred on the 
11th of March, 13 or 14 days sooner than in the time of 
Caesar. Pope Gregory Xm. introduced the new style in 
1582, by taking out 10 days from the month of October, 
which corrected the calendar back to the Council of Nice, 
325 years after Christ. To countervail in future the excess of 
11 minutes and 12 or 15 seconds in a year, it was determined 
to omit three days in four centuries, by making common 
years of three leap years, viz., 1700, 1800 and 1900. Some 
fcnglish philosophers and others objected to this imperfect 
reform of the calendar, this going back to the Council of Nice 
instead of the Christian era, and there were other objections, 
and England continued to follow the old style till 1752, 
which differed 10 days from the new style until 1700, and 
11 days after that year. By an act of Parliament, 11 days 
were taken from the old calendar in 1752, the 3d of Septem- 
ber being reckoned the 14th, and England and her colonies 
conformed to the new style.* 

*Iii New England diaries for 1752 and in correct almanacs, September has 
only 19 days, and the first four days are thus numbered : — 
September, 1752. 

1. Tuesday. 

2. Wednesday. 

14. Thursday. 

15. Friday. 

One almanac-maker in New England (and perhaps more than one,) made 
his almanac for 3752 according to the old style. Madam Porter, wife of Ele&zar 
Porter, Esq. of Uadley, kept interleaved almanacs many years, where she noted 
various occurrences, and she had one of tliese old style almanacs for 1752 and 
had to alter with her pen the number of every day after September 2d. The 
maker's name is torn on. 

Gregory's reform in the calendar was beneficial, but his object was more super- 
stitious than scientific. The learned Benedictine monks, who wrote in French, 
" L'Art de Verifier les Dates,'* remark that ** the principal object of Gregory 
was to regulate the celebration of Easter." Burke says the dispute about the 
time of celebrating Easter was '* one of the most trivial controversies of ecclesi- 
astical discipline ;'" yet astronomy and chronology gained something from this 
trivial dispute. 

The French work referred to, in 23 volumes, furnishes much information in 
regard to different forms of the year, and different modes of dating. 


The BeginniDg of the Year. — Julius Cassar began the year 
with the first of January, but some centuries after Christ, the 
priests and others unwisely varied from that day, and there 
were many beginnings in different parts of Europe, as 
January 1, (used by a few) March 1, March 25, Easter in 
March or April, December 25, and three or four other days. 
March 25 and Dec. 25 were the most common.* When the 
first of January was restored, after some centuries, it was a 
part of the new style, and the other beginnings of the year 
became old style. England long used Dec. 25, but began to 
use March 25 from the 12th century, and this was the legal 
beginning of the year in church and state, until 1752, when 
the first of January began the year by act of Parliament. 
The first of January had long been reckoned as one beginning 
of the year, and English almanacs began the year with 
January more than 250 years ago. Many in England and 
America used a double date to distinguish the "mongrel 
time" from January 1 to March 24, inclusive, and set down 
both years thus — Jan. 20, 167f , March 4, 1705. The upper 
figures, 3 and 7, denoted the year beginning March 25, and 
the lower figures, 4 and 8, the year commencing Jan. 1. In 
the same part of the year, single dates were often used as 
well as double ones. The two beginnings of the year pro- 
duced confusion in dates in Old England and New England. 

In New England, for a time, the first of March was 
accounted the beginning of the year by some, and the months 
were numbered first, second, third, fourth, &c. as 20th of 
3d mo. for 20th of May ; 10th 8mo. or 10—8, for 10th of 
October. This method of computing time did not lessen 
the disorder in dates. It was far from being general in New 
England ; was more used in the records of churches than in 


* When men began to celebrate the birth of Christ, two or three centuries 

titer that event, they were ignorant respecting the year, month and day 

in which he was born, and the time of his birth is still unknown. Learned 

Yrriters suppose the 25th of December was selected because the sun then began 

to return towards the north, and was deemed emblematical of the rising of the 

Ban of Righteousness. From this date, men counted back 9 months to the 25th 

fkf March, which they called the day of tiie Conception of Christ, or Annunciation 

^mj. And a large portion of Europe in the middle ages and after«_ began the 

of these days. — Men did not begin to 

with one of these days. — Men did not begin to count years from Jesus Christ 
^Imtil the 6th century. 

Rey. H. H. Milman, a clergyman of the church of England, says in his 

•• History of Christianity," — " The year in which Christ was bom is still con- 

%«Bted. There is still more uncertainty concerning the time of the year. Where 

"Icliere is and can be -no certainty, it is the wisest course to acknowledge our 

^irnorance, and not to claim the authority of historic truth for that which is purely 

^ODJectoral." He thinks the time of Christ's birth is of no importance, and i8 

^atiafied with the traditionary day. — Dr. Adam Clarke, the Commentator, says 

** Fabridus giyes a catalo^e of 136 different opinions concerning the year of 

^^hrist's birth ; and as to his birth-day, that has been phicod by Christian soots 

mad leinied men in every month of the year." 


those of towns. In many records, it continued but a few 
years, in some, many years. It was gradually given up, and 
March 25 became usually the first day of the year, as in 
England, and so continued until 1752, though January 1 was 
often referred to as new year's day, and New Englana alma- 
nacs began the year with January before 1700. After Hamp- 
shire county was incorporated, the recorders of the county 
and of the towns in it, commonly began the year with 
March 25, but there were many deviations ; they used both 
single and double dates between Dec. 31 and March 25. In 
Hadley, the town clerk sometimes seemed to reckon Jan- 
uary 1 as the beginning of the year, long before 1752. 

In this History of Hadley, the dates are given as if the 
year began on the first of January, in new style, but with 
respect to the excess of 11 days before 1752, the old style 
and old records are followed. 


The Bceond Indian War, 1688 to 1698— Six persons killed at Northfield— Presents 
to the Maqnas — ^Destruction of Schenectady — ^Tronbles with Albany Indians — 
Persons killed at Deerfield and Brookfield — ^Murder of Kichard Church of 
Hadley, and trial and execution of two Indians — ^Attack in Hatfield meadows — 
Expenses of the war — Pay of soldiers — ^Thc war in Hampshire — Hampshire 
soldiers — Taxes — ^Palisades — Contributions. 

Of the five towns in Hampshire, that were broken up by 
the Indian war in 1675, Suffield began to be re-settled in 
1677, Deerfield in 1682 or 1683, Northfield about 1685, and 
Brookfield not long after. No record alludes to any settlers 
at Swarapfield, (Sunderland.) Enfield, a new town, was 
incorporated, in 1683, and Hampshire had ten towns and 
plantations before 1688. There were very few settlers at 

In 1688, while New England was under the despotic gov- 
ernment of Andros, another Indian war began in Maine, and 
in Hampshire county. In the latter part of July, five friendly 
Indians living at Spectacle Pond near Springfield, were killed 
by other Indians. A few days after, eleven Indians appeared 
near Northfield, and some of them were recognized as Indians 
who formerly lived in these parts. On the 16th of August, 
three men, two women and a girl were killed at Northfield, 
and it was believed that they were murdered by these Indians. 
Major Fynchon sent soldiers to Northfield, and thirteen men 


were sent up from Hartford. By order of Gov. Andros, in 
November, 60 Connecticut men were posted at Northfield, 
under Captain Jonathan Bull, during the winter. The 
destruction of six persons at Northfield is not noticed by any 
historian, and their names cannot now be found.* 

The revolution in England, which drove king James into 
exile and placed William and Mary upon the throne, began in 
November, 1688. On the 18th of April, 1689, the people of 
Boston and other towns seized Grov, Andros and his associates, 
and restored the old governor and magistrates. The revolu- 
tion in England was followed by war between England and 
France, which extended to their colonies in America, and for 
the first time, the people of New England were involved in a 
desolating war with the French in Canada and their Indian 
allies. — ^Most of the attacks in 1689 were directed against 
Hew Hampshire and Maine, both under the government of 
Massachusetts. The frontier which Massachusetts had to 
defend, extended from the Connecticut to the Kennebec and 

"The tears, fears and groans of the broken remnant of 
Northfield" is the beginning of a petition from that place to 
the General Court, dated June 27, 1689, in the hand-writing 
of Rev. John Russell of Hadley. They say that they had 25 
families before the six persons were slain by the Indians, and 
that half had since deserted the place, and only 12 families 
remained. They asked for advice and help, reter Tilton, 
Samuel Partridge and John King were appointed to order 
matters at Northfield. About 70 souls, of whom only 15 
Were men, remained in the place until the spring of 1690, 
when Northfield was abandoned the second time, and 
i^mained desolate 25 years. Hadley was again the most 
iiorthem town on the east side of the river. 

In August, 1689, Massachusetts and Connecticut sent 
^ij^ents to Albany, with Major Pynchon at the head, to make 
presents to the Maquas and river Indians, and engage them 
^S^^Q^ th^ Indian enemy. (See page 132.) Speeches were 
naade, and the chiefs of the Five Nations used the customary, 
isi^meaning expressions, and made deceptive promises. The 
J^fifents gave to them 500 pounds of powder, 1000 pounds of 
1^^, 150 yards of duffel, 500 guilders in wampum, 90 shirts, 
^ctd 40 pounds of tobacco, and they made presents to the 

,^Pynchon*8 Letters, and the depositions of Thomas Wells of Dcerfield, and of 
r^cah Madfire of Northfield, and other papers relating to these events, are in the 
-^ttachusetts Archives.— Gov. Andros made a short visit at Hadley, apparently 
^^ September, 1688, and sent to Northampton for the committee appointed to 
^^"■•etUe Northfield. He did not cross the river. — Mr. Warham Mather of North- 
preached at Northfield 6 months, after the 6 persons were killed. 



sachems privately, and entertained 100 of their people with 
beef, pork, bread, beer, &c. They also made presente to the 
Hudson's River Indians, whom they named Mabikanders and 
Scachkooks. " Albany is a dear place," said Major Pynchoh, 
and it was so to the people of Massachusetts, who paid the bills. 
Connecticut paid only a small part in 1689. — ^In March, 1690, 
Bobert Livingston asked of Massachusetts, 400 or 500 pounds 
worth of goods as presents to the Five Nations, to counteract 
the attempts of the French to vrithdraw them from their 
alliance with the English. 

The leading men at Albany, fearing an attack from the 
French and Indians, desired the aid of 100 men from New 
England. The preservation of Albany was important to 
New England, and Connecticut sent about 66 soldiers, and 
24 were taken from the county of Hampshire, and they left 
Westfield, Nov. 18, 1689, under Capt. Jonathan Bull. Capt. 
Bull found the people of Albany and Schenectady divided 
into two parties, and bitterly opposed to each other. While 
the inhabitants of Schenectady were quarreling and neglect- 
ing the means of defense, they were attacked by the French 
and Indians on the night of Feb. 8, 1690, and about 62 were 
slain and 28 made captives, including five killed and five 
taken, of Capt. Bull's company. Some from Hampshire were 
taken, and perhaps some slain.* 

The year 1690 was one of great calamities and much 
distress to New England. The French and Indians made 
successful attacks on the northern and eastern towns; an 
expedition against Quebec, with more than 2000 troops from 
Massachusetts, failed, and several vessels and many men were 
lost ; a land army that was to attack Montreal, was unable to 
proceed beyond the southern point of Lake Champlain. 

Hampshire county escaped the ravages of war in 1689 and 
1690, but there were many alarms, and men were often called 
to arms. There was a garrison at Deerfield, and scouts were 
sent up to West River, and smaller scouts were sent out 
frequently from the other towns. In 1690, Major Pynchpn 
detached 40 men from Hampshire, to join the army at 
Albany, but there were so many reports of Indians at the 
Falls above Squakeag, at Coasset and other places, that the 
40 men were not sent out of the county .t On the 2d of July, 

*0f the Hampshire men, Joseph Marks was carried to Canada; Samuel 
Beaman was taken, but escaped. Kobert Alexander and Jonathan Church were 
slain, or died of sickness ; David Burt, Jr. of Northampton, was a captive in 
Canada, 1690, and never returned. 

t These alarms brought up Capt. Samuel Talcott of Wethersfield, with his com- 
pany of horsemen, in June, 1690, who remained but a few days. A company from 
Connecticut, under Capt Bull, were at Deerfield in January and February, 1691. 


Hadley scouts espied an Indian, and discovered the tracks of 
others, " about Swampfield mill."* 

Small parties of Maquas and Albany Indians, and others 
pretending to be from New York, came into the Hampshire 
towns, and some were insolent and used threats. Two were 
arrested in 1690, and one of them was shot at Deerfield, in 
attempting to escape. These things brought complaints from 
the Maquas. 

New Troubles with Indians in 1691. — On the 2d of Decem- 
ber, 1691, Major Pynchon informed the governor and council, 
that in November, about 150 Indians, men, women and 
children, came to Deerfield from the vicinity of Albany, and 
settled imder the side of the mountain, about a mile southerly 
from4he town. The men had written passes from the mayor 
of Albany; they employed themselves in hunting, and left 
the women and children at the wigwams. They had been 
quiet with one or two exceptions ; some of them were sup- 
posed to be former enemies who settled near Albany. 

They professed to be friendly, but the people of Hampshire 
were afraid they would prove unfriendly, and the committees 
of the militia of the towns of Northampton, Hadley, Hatfield 
and Deerfield met Jan. 1, 1692, and sent a letter to the 
governor and council. They estimated the Indians at 40 or 
60 fighting-men, and 100 women and children. Major Pyn- 
chon again wrote, and said some of the Indians had set up 
their wigwams near Hatfield. " They are very unacceptable 
to our people," said Major P. and should they be false, could 
do much harm. The reason of their coming was the scarcitjr 
of provisions about Albany .t The governor and council 
Implied, that it was best to observe the motions of the Indians, 
Avoid giving offense, take care that strong drink was not sold 
to them, write to the mayor of Albany, and keep good 
batches. — Some regulations were proposed to the Indians, 
Jan. 18, to which they consented. As to strong drink, they 
Said, " our young men and squaws will buy liquor, and your 
English will sell it."J Most of these Indians returned to 
liudson's River in May, 1692. 

About the first of February, 1692, Capt. William Whiting 

Hartford came up with 50 soldiers to garrison Deerfield a 

weeks. Major Pynchon having written to Connecticut for 

* These words of Major Pynchon are the only intimation that there was a mill 
Swampfield. Probably only the foundation or beginning of a mill. 

tit may be inferred that game had become more plenty in the Hampshire 
<K>d8, after the Indians left in Philip's war. 

^ X The Indians were right. There were men in Hampshire then who would sell 
"" ^{oor regardless of consequences, and there are such men now. 


aid. When the ice was thick upon Lake Champlaioy which 
was usually in January and February, the people of Hamp- 
shire and Albany apprehended an attack from Canada. After 
the ice broke up, there was not much fear of an assault, till 
the trees were covered with leaves. 

The county of Hampshire escaped the attacks of the 
enemy, four years in succession, viz., 1689, 1690, 1691 and 
1692. Reports of danger were frequent, and Major Pynchon 
said in 1692, " strict watches, wards and scouts we keep in 
all these towns, and improve four men allowed by the coun- 
try, in scouting up the river." 

On the 6th of June, 1693, three or four persons were killed 
or severely wounded at Deerfield, in the family of Hepzibah 
Wells,* widow of Lieut. Thomas Wells ; and Thomas Brough- 
ton, his wife and three children were slain. These two 
fiunilies lived on the west side of the street near the north 
end. Soldiers were sent to Deerfield from the towns below ; 
and two companies from Connecticut who remained but a 
few days. Another company, under Capt. William Whiting, 
came later and remained three months. Canada Indians 

frobably committed these murders, but some New York 
ndians were at first suspected, and two were confined. Their 
friends complained to Gov. Fletcher of New York, and he 
wrote to Connecticut and Massachusetts ; he said the Indians 
were much displeased with New England, and in danger of 
being drawn on " by your rigor and French bribes." Gov, 
Phipps ordered the two Indians to be released, but they 
escaped before the order arrived. 

On Thursday, the 27th of July, 1693, a party of 26 Canada 
Indians, killed at Brookfield, near the Boston road, east of the 
garrison house, Rebekah, the wife of Joseph Wolcott and her 
two daughters, Joanna, aged 6, and Hannah, aged 2 years, 
Thomas Lawrence, and Joseph Mason and son ; and they took 
Daniel Lawrence and Mason's wife and her infant, and they 
killed the infant at night. John Lawrence, brother of 
Thomas and Daniel, rode speedily to Springfield for assistance, 
there being only five or six men at the garrison house. Major 

•Widow Wella, who was a Buel of Windsor, went to Connecticut to get 
surgical aid for her wounded children, one or two of whom had been scalped. 
The healing process was long and expensive. The General Court of Connecticut 
passed the following order, Oct 11, 1694. 

" Widow Wells of Deerfield motioned that she might have liberty to crave tlie 
charity of the good people of this colony for her rehef of the great charge aho 
hath been at in cunng the wounds of her children, received bv the Tiifii^ ^iy 
This court recommends to the congregations in Windsor, Hartford, Wethenfield 
and Farmington, to be charitably nelpfiil to the woman therein.'* 


Pjrnchon called out 20 men from Springfield and 8 from 
Westfield, and sent a post to Hadley for 30 men from North- 
ampton, Hadley and Hatfield, all to be commanded by Capt. 
Thomas Colton of Springfield. The 28 soldiers reached Brook- 
field on Friday, at 2, P. M. and buried the dead, and the 30 
arrived about sunset. On Saturday, the 29th, Capt. Colton 
left 16 men at the garrison, and with 42 followed the track of 
the Indians northerly, and came to a pond where the Indians 
lodged the second night, which they judged to be 30 miles* 
from Brookfield. A few miles from the pond, the way became 
very difficult for horses, and 19 men were left to bring on the 
horses, and Capt. Colton and 23 resolute men pursued on foot. 
On Sabbath morning, the 23 men started early, and about 
sunrise, discovered the enemy " in a most hideous, thick, 
woody place," where they could hardly be seen. Capt. Colton 
made signs to his men to advance and fire upon them, which 
they did. The Indians were at breakfast, and were surprised 
and terrified, and all that could, instantly disappeared m the 
thicket, leaving their prisoners, ammunition, &c. Capt. Colton 
saw four that were killed, and the soldiers said six or seven 
were killed. The company recovered the two captives, 
Mason's wife and Daniel Lawrence, and brought away 9 guns, 
20 hatchets, 4 cutlasses, 16 or 18 horns of powder, and two 
barks full of powder, neatly covered. They returned to 
Brookfield that day, and came home on Monday, leaving 6 or 
8 at the garrison house.t 

The General Court gave the men ^40, and what was taken 
firom the enemy, to be shared equallv4 

In August, 1694, Commissioners from Massachusetts, Con- 
necticut, New York and New Jersey, guarded by 60 horsemen 
from Connecticut, met the Indian sachems at Albany, and 
loaded them with presents, to secure their attachment to the 
cauae of the English. The expenses of Massachusetts were 
j£370, and of Connecticut, including her dragoons, about as 

September 15, 1694, M. Castreen and Indians attacked the 
fort at Deerfield, and were repulsed. John Bement of 

* Soldiers* miles in the woods were too miuaj. The pond may have been 15 or 
20 n^es from Brookfield. 

tThifl account is from Major PTnchon's Letters in the Massachusetts Archives. 
—This pnnnit of Indians into swamps and thickets, though succcssfuli was rash 
and dangerous. 

tThe officers of the Northampton militia company objected to the equal 
£Tliioii of the plunder ; they said much plunder was left at the place of assault 
wUeli might have been brought away by men who came away empty, and that 
haM of those left with the horses were not needed for that purpose, but were 
aawiffing to go further. " It seems to be hard, they said, that valor and coward- 
ice abooM have the same reward." 


Enfield, and Richard Lyman of Northampton, of the garrison, 
were wounded. Daniel Severance, a lad, was killed in the 
meadow. Hannah Beam an, wife of Simon Beaman, kept a 
school north of the palisade, and she and her scholars ran to the 
fort, and though fired upon, escaped unhurt. — John Lawrence 
was slain in Brookfield in 1694. He had lived some years in 
Hadley, and Lawrence's bridge and Lawrence's plain were 
named from him. 

Some of the Albany Indians, called also River Indians, who 
lived above and below Albany, came to Connecticut River 
every year, game being much more plenty here. A company 
of them came to Hatfield, Aug. 9, 1696. On the 10th of 
August, eight or nine Albany Indians who were hunting near 
Nashawelet* River, were killed by hostile Indians. Major 
Pynchon sent up to Nashawelet, a company of horsemen 
under Capt. Col ton, from Springfield and the towns above, 
but they did not find the enemy. 

On the 18th of August, 1695, five Deerfield men set out for 
the mill, on horses with bags of grain, and when they had 
gone about a mile southward, they were fired upon by seven 
or eight Indians who were concealed near the road, and 
Joseph Barnard was sorely wounded and fell from his horse. 
The others set him upon his horse with one to hold him on, 
when another shot killed his horse. They then put him upon 
one of their horses, when a gun was fired and he was again 
hit ; yet they all reached the garrison, unharmed, except 
Joseph Barnard, who died on the 6th of September.t The 
Indians were pursued but not overtaken. 

In September, 1695, Indians were lurking about the Hamp- 
shire towns, and were seen near Deerfield, Northampton and 
Hadley. Men were frequently out, ranging the woods. 

Deerfield was a much exposed place, and manv attacks of 
the enemy were directed against the inhabitants oi that town. 
A garrison was there, from the Hampshire towns, and some- 
times from Connecticut. 30 Connecticut soldiers were there 
in January and February, 1695, and 30 were sent up in 
August. In September, 1695, there were 24 men at Deer- 
field and 8 at Brookfield from the five old Hampshire towns, 
and 16 more were sent to Deerfield, Sept. 30. Some of these 
men were scouting daily. 

*So Major Pynchon wrote the name of the stream, now spelled Ashnelot 
The Indians had the sound of N. at the beginning of the word, as in Nashoa. 

t Major Pynchon wrote that Joseph Barnard was " a very useful and helnfiil 
man in that place, so much under discouragement, and they will the more nnd 
and feel the want of him." He was a son of Francis Barnard of Hadley. 
Hannah Beaman of Deerfield, the school dame, was his sister. 


On the 16th of September, 1696, the Indians captured 
John Gillet up Green River, above Deerlield, and came to the 
village and took Daniel Belden and two children, Nathaniel 
and Esther; killed his wife Elizabeth and three children, 
Daniel, John and Thankful ; and wounded Samuel and Abi- 
gail, who recovered, though Samuel's skull was fractured. 

MuEDER OP Richard Church of Hadley. 

On the 5th of October, 1696, a murder was committed in 
Hadley, which produced a great excitement in the county, 
and occasioned the capital punishment of two of the New York 
Indians. Richard Church of Hadley, tailOr, aged 27, and 
recently married, was slain by some of the Hudson's River / 
Indians. He was a son of Samuel Church, deceased, and / 
grandson of Richard Church, a first settler. The following i 
account is gathered from the testimony and many other papers, 
which are still extant in the Archives at Boston. Eight or 
ten families of the Albany Indians lived near Hatfield, as in 
preceding years, and on the first of October, four of these 
Indians went up Hadley Mill River to hunt, though they had 
been ordered not to hunt on the east side of the Connecticut. 
Their names were Mahweness or Mowenas, Mahquolous or 
Koquolas, Wenepuck, and Pemequenoxet or Pameconoset. 
When they were returning on the 5th, and were about two 
miles from Hadley village, in a north-easterly direction, appa- 
rently in the vicinity oi Mount Warner, they found Richard 
Church hunting in the woods, and shot him, a little before 
sunset. Samuel Barnard and Ebenezer Smith of Hadley had 
"been bunting with Church that afternoon, but he had parted 
from them; and sometime after he left them, they heard the 
ireports of two guns, near together, followed by a shout. 
They returned home, and as the evening advanced, and 
Church did not return, they and the people of Hadley believed 
that he had been killed by a party oi the enemy. Messengers 
"were sent to Northampton and Hatfield, and many men from 
^ three towns assembled at Hadley, and went into the 
Woods after midnight. They were joined by some friendly 
Woodstock Indians under Peter Aspinwall. They found the 
kody of Church towards morning ; a bullet had been shot 
^ugh his head, an arrow stuck in his side, his gun and part 
of his clothes were gone, and he was scalped. Some of the 
n*en conveyed the body to the house of his mother, widow 
Haiy Church, and about 40 others followed the tracks of 
ttiee or four Indians, from the place where the body was 
btmi to the west end of Mount Toby, where they came in 
1^ of four Indians in the woods, and captured one ; three 
eicaped and came into Hatfield, where they were apprehended 


that day, October 6, and the Indians at Hatfield were dis- 
armed and secured ; there were 8 men besides the four taken, 
9 squaws and 23 children. There were others at Deerfield. — 
The four Indians were examined, Oct. 6, before three Justices, 
and the ministers of Northampton and Hatfield were present. 
The Indians were kept singly, and all at first denied, but 
Pemequenoxet was taken to the place of the murder, and 
there without force or threats, he owned that he saw Mahwe- 
ness and Mahquolous kill the man with their gun and bows 
and arrows, and he showed where they stood when they did 
it, and where he ^d Wenepuck stood. Being brought back, 
he owned the same before the justices and others. Wenepuck 
was then called and owned the same. Mahquolous beinff 
brought in, admitted that Mahweness killed the man, but did 
not implicate himself. Mahweness denied all, and said the 
others were liars. The next week, Oct. 12, Joseph Hawley 
and Joseph Parsons of Northampton, with eight others, took 
Wenepuck and Mahquolous towards the place of the murder, 
in two companies, the two Indians being about a mile apart, 
leaving the Indians to lead. Wenepuck went directly to the 
spot, and pointed out the trees at which, as he said, the two 
Indians stood when they killed Church, and the trees at 
which the other two stood, and they were the same trees that 
Pemequenoxet showed, the week before. Wenepuck was 
then taken away into a swamp, and Mahquolous came to the 
same place, and showed the same trees, and said that 
Mahweness killed the man. 

The others constantly afiirmed that Mahquolous was active 
with Mahweness in the murder. Martha Wait of Hatfield, 
testified that Mahquolous said at her house, that he would 
kill a Hadley man because Hadley men threatened them, 
when they hunted in Hadley woods. 

A court of Oyer and Terminer was holden at Northampton 
on the 21st of October, 1696, to try the Indians. Lt. &ov. 
Stoughton and council had specially commissioned to hold 
this court, John Pynchon, Samuel Partrigg, Joseph Hawley 
and Aaron Cooke, Esquires, and Joseph Parsons, Gentleman.* 

* John Pynchon, 3d of Springfield, was Clerk, Ebenezer Pomcry of North- 
ampton, acted A8 king's Attorney, Richard Webb and William Holton of North- 
ampton, were Interpreters. Samuel Porter of Hadlev, was the county Sheriff. 

The grand-jury. — Pr eserved j^lApp* foreman, John Taylor, Isaac Sheldon^ 
Enos lungsley, John Parsons, Thomas Lyman, William Holton and Samuet 
Wright of Northampton ; Nehemiah Dickinson, Jonathan Marsh, Greorge Still- 
man, and Samuel Barnard of Hadlev; and Joseph Belknap, Samuel Selding. 
Samuel Dickinson and John White of Hatfield. 

The petit jury. — John Holyoke, Esq. foreman and Thomas Colton of Spring- 
field ; John King, Medad Pomery, Judah Wright and John Clark of Northamp- 
ton ; Timothy Mash, Daniel Marsh, Thomas Hovey, of Hadley ; John Colexnan, 
Daniel White and Eloazar Fraiy of Hatfield. 


Howenas and Moquolas were Indicted as princlpalsy and 

Wenepuck and Pameconeset as accessories. All the Indians 

from Hatfield and the vicinity were present. Each of the 

four was tried, and each was declared guilty by the jury. 

Only the principals were sentenced, and they were to be shot 

to death on the 2dd of October, about 2, P. M. and they were 

executed at Northampton. These were the first executions in 

Hampshire county.* 

TMs event disturbed the Indians about Hudson's River, and 
l>eing misled by various false reports, they became incensed 
against New England, pretending that the two Indians were 
innocent. By their complaints, they much annoyed Gov. 
f*letcher of New York, and many letters passed between him 
and Lieut. Gov. Stoughton of Massachusetts, and the corres- 
pondence did not cease till May, 1697. ,A detail of the 
evidence and of the proceedings of the Court, signed by the 
Justices, was sent to Lt. Gov. Stoughton, who sent a copy to 
Oov. Fletcher. The two accessories, who were not senteneedy 
"were at liberty in February. 

The Albany Indians continued to dwell between Hatfield 
and Deerfield, until the latter part of April, 1697, when they 
departed, and did not come again. They had been the source 
of much disquiet and trouble in Hampshire. 

The Treaty of Peace at Ryswick between England and 
France, was proclaimed at Boston, Dec. 10, 1697. Some of 
the Indians continued hostilities several months longer. 

Sergeant Samuel Field of Hatfield, was slain by Indians, 
July 13, 1697. — On the 15th of July, 1698, four Indians came 
into the upper part of the North meadow in Hatfield, where 
men and boys were hilling Indian com, and killed John 
Billings, aged 24, and Nathaniel Dickinson, Jr., aged 13, and 
took Samuel Dickinson, aged 11, and a lad named Charley. 
They shot at Nathaniel Dickinson, the father, and killed his 

*An order from John Pynchon and Samuel Partrigg, dated at Northanipton, 
Oct 23, 1696, after mentionin? the crime and sentence of Mowenas, required the 
Sheriff of Hampshire " to take Mowenas from the place where he is now in 
enrtody,^ the place of execution, and cau3C the sentence to be executed upon 
lum. ' 

The sheriff certified on the back of the warrant, Oct. 23, that be " caused the 
within* mentioned Mowcnas to be taken to the place of execution, and there to 
be shot to death about two of the clock on said day." Signed by Samuel Porter, 
Sheriff of Hampshire. 

The warrant and certificate in regard to the execution of Moquolas were the 
WKBOB. — ^Undoubtedly a great number of peo))lo anscmbled to see the two Indians 
** flbot to death." The place of execution in Northampton is not known. 

The expenses incurred in consequence of this murder were £31.16.0. John 
P^nchon received 5 shillings per day, and the other Justices, 4s. Grand and 
petit jurors, 2a. a day. Guarding the Indians was Is. 6d. to 2s. for a day and 
ni^t. Provisions for Indians, G pence a day. Blacksmith for irons, Hs. It is 
benered that there was no prison in Northampton. 


266 RlfiTO^T OF BADLET. 

horse, but he escaped. The Indians had canoes on the river, 
and were not found until a scout of three Northampton men, 
and eleven men from the town and garrison of DeerBeldf 
went up the river many miles above that place, and lay in 
wait ; when the Indians came along in their canoes, on the 
other side, they killed or severely wounded two of them, and 
rescued the two lads, but lost one of their party, Nathaniel 
Pomery of Deerfield, aged 18. Benjamin Wright of North- 
ampton was the leader. The General Court gave these 
soldiers £ 22. 

In this war of ten years, sometimes called King William's 
war. New England lost some hundred lives, a great amount 
of property, and numerous captives were carried to Canada. 
The government of Massachusetts expended in the war more 
than 150,000 pounds, (500,000 dollars.) About half of the 
expense, exclusive of the Quebec expedition, was for the 
defense of Maine, and much was expended for New Hamp- 
shire. Not a great number of Indians «were slain. The 
bounty offered for Indian heads or scalps was at first 8 to 10 
pounds, and was increased in some cases to 50 pounds.* 

Hampshire county suffered much less than some othe^ 
frontiers; yet at least 28 of the inhabitants were slain, and 
several captured. Seven or eight Indians may have been 
slain in the county. Northfield was the only town deserted. 
The people of Deerfield were always in danger, and as Major 
Pynchon said, " continually pecked at" by the enemy. The 
war expenses of Massachusetts in Hampshire, during the last 
five years of the war, averaged above £ 500 a year, and more 
than two-thirds of this was for the pay of soldiers and pro- 
visions at Deerfield ; the rest was for Brookfield, scouting, Ac 
Considerable sums were paid by the county and towns for 
scouting. The soldiers of Connecticut, when in this county* 
were paid by that colony, and supplied with provisions at the 
expense of Massachusetts. These soldiers commonly came up- 

"Wages of officers and soldiers. — In 1696 and in other years, a priTate had 
6 shillings per week, drummer and corporal. 7s., clerk and serg^eant, 98., ensigo, 
Vis.f lieutenant, 15s., captain, 30s., major, 5<)8., chaplain, 208., surgeon, 21)8.— 
Begular troopers or caviUry, each furnishing his own horse. Common trooper, 
lOs., trumpeter, clerk and corporal, 12s., quarter-master, 158., comet, SOi^ 
lieutenant, 25s., captain, 40s. — Dragoons or common soldiers with horses, Sg. 
These wages seem not to diifer much from those in Philip's war. — ^A post hid 
4 pence a mile one way, and bore the charges of himself ana horse. 

Subsistence for soldiers. — In 1696, the price of food for soldiers not stationaiy 
was 8 pence per day ; for those in garrison, 38. 6d. per week. The soldiers were 
well supplied with food. Many were billeted in families and lived as they d^d. 
Others nad pork or beef, bread or dry buscuit, and peas. In some expeditions, 
they carried the Indian food called Nocake, which was Indian com parched and 
beaten into meal. — Bum, sugar, pipes and tobacco were to be provided lor la 
expedition to Maine in September, 1689. — Keeping a horse at grass a daj and 
night was 3 pence, and at hay and provender, 6 pence. 

aifiTofiy OF iiIdlbt. 367 

on horseback ; and much of the scouting and pursuing in the 
woods was performed on horses. There was constant watch- 
ing by niffht and frequent warding by day in the Hampshire 
towns, and guns and ammunition were carried to the meeting- 
houses every Sabbath.* 

The war taxes were heavy. The expenses of Massachusetts 
in 1690, the year of the disastrous Quebec expedition, were 
more than 50,000 pounds, and occasioned the first issue of 
paper money. In 1689 and 1690, five single country rates in 
money, and thirty-five in produce, were , ordered. In 1691, 
there was a tax of jC 24,000. In 1692, the new charter went 
into operation, and Plymouth colony was united with Massa- 
chusetts. The first tax after this union, for 1692 and 1693, 
was ^30,000 in three parts. The taxes from 1692 to 1702, 
both inclusive, amounted to ^115.143. The proportion paid 
by the polls varied. In the eleven years, the polls averaged 
not far from one shilling each in 2300 pounds of tax.— The 
taxes of ^24,000 and jC 30,000 were collected with diflBcultjr. 
In 1691, Springfield paid her share of 20 country rates, laid 
in 1690, by sending 1214 bushels of grain to Boston, mostly 

* Soldiers or militia in Hampshire.— In May, 1690, Major Pynchon stated the 
number of soldiers belonging to the five old towns, at 454, viz., to Northampton, 
188, Springfield, 120, Hatfield, 80, Hadlcy, 66, Westfield, 60. Those of Spring- 
field were in the town plat, 60, on the west side of the river, 28, at Longmeadow, 
90, at Skipmnck, J 2. From otlier accounts, it may be conjectured that Suffield 
in 1690 bad about 56 soldiers, Enfield, from 25 to 30, Dccrfield, not far from 44, 
and Brookfield, about ]2; maldng in the county a few short of 600, and indi- 
cating a population of not less tliait 2500. 

Hadley had fewer soldiers than Hatfield in 1690, but perhaps not fewer inhab- 
itants. Hadley returned 78 ratable polls in May, 1693, after a careful revision. 
If the old computation of one poll to four inhabitants bo correct, Hadley had in 
1603 a population of 312. 

fin Hampshire, there was great complaint of the money taxes. In June, 1690 , 
%iringfield complained louder than in 1685. The selectmen said in a petition — 
"our people have not patience to bear such a voke, who know not such a thing 
as money." They hinted that some people thought it would be easier to pay 
taxes to Connecticut. In October, 1690, delegates from the Hampshire towns 
net, and sent a petition against money rates. They said — " not one in ten of 
the inhabitants of said county have any income of money in any manner." 
They begged " that it may be as of old, when those that had silver paid silver, and 
those that had it not, paicl goats* hair, ram skins, &c." 

The Puritans knew what was in the Bible, and could readily refer to any 
passage. Anthony Austin, in a petition for the people of Suffield, in 1700, calls 
Ibem, '* yonr lame Mephiboshcth." 

Thm province taxes of the Hampshire towns, ordered in 1692, 1696 and 1700, 
mn subjoined. Also a county tax for 1702. Some of the pence are omitted. 
The polls in 1700 paid 3s. Brookfield was not taxed, and Deerfield, Suffield and 
£nfield were only partially taxed. Suffield and Enfield were suffering from the 
elaims and violent acts of the people of Windsor. Hampshire was slow in 
pajing the heavy taxes, and in June, 1694, owed £1853.3.1, and was ordered to 
par in bills of credit or otherwise, except Snffield and Enfield. Suffield was 
^^ • £200. 


Palisadesw — ^The people of Hadley were building a palisade 
on the east side of the street, in January, 1690, and in Feb- 
ruary, they voted to lay aside their private business and finish 
the fortification ; and then to fortify some places within the 
town. They did not name any palisade on the west side. In 
March, 1691, they voted to repair the old garrison houses, 
and the east fortification, and to continue scouting in the 
woods. In June, 1693, they voted to have a daily scout, and 
to have two more houses fortified on the east side. George 
Stillman and others who lived near him at the north end, 
without the palisade, had liberty to fortify Stillman's house.* 

The grist-mills were preserved. The mill of Hadley, in a 
lonely place three miles north of the village, was not assailed, 
and the miller, Joseph Smith, was unharmed. 

Contributions. — ^Acts of kindness and beneficence were very 
frequent in New England during /this war. Massachusetts 
contributed largely for the relief of the poor and distressed, 
and the redemption of the captives. There were captives not 
onlynn Canada, but some oi our people were in captivity in 
Morocco and Algier8.-^Connecticut made contributions for 
the east in 1691, and she contributed much com and some 
rye to the sufferers in Massachusetts, New Hampshire and 
Maine, in the spring and summer of 1697. 





iC 30,000 



County Taz.^ 




70. 4 




70. 4 



209. 9 



t. 4 


lb4. 7 


38. 6 








104. 9 



0.18 . 


103. 9 



3. 3 








£43.16 . 

Bamuel Porter, the Hheriff, stated to the Gen. Court in May, 1695, that he had 
seized on execution, the lands and estates of constables who had not paid their 
rates, but nobody would buy them for want of money, &.c. 

A tax ordered in June, 1695, require4 single females, who earned a livelihood, 
to pay 2 shilling each, being half as much as the poll tax of males. This was 
the only tax levied on females in this province. In 1692, East New Jersey taxed 
females over 16, one shilling each. 

* iN^orthampton, Hatfield and Dcerfield built palisades in 1690, and some booses 
were fortified. The palisade of Northampton was the longest and most irregular. 
That of Hatfield, a few years later, was 229 rods on one side and 246 rods on the 
other, besides the ends ; and the bouse of Mr. Williams was fortified, and three 
on the " Hill," and one at the " Farms." The line of the palisades could be 
traced in many houselots in Hatfield, 25 years ago. — A new fortification was 
made at Deerfield in 1693, by order of Major Pynchon, 302 rods in length, (one 
account says 202 rods,) and the estimated cost was five shillings per rod. in 
money. Deerfield was allowed £ 40 for it in her province rates. Tne fortifica- 
tion was repaired in 1696 and 1702. — It may be inferred that well made paUsades 
eost about hve shillings per rod, as money. 



Ezecntioxi of Sarah Smith and Negro Jack— SickDess of 1689— Change of Got- 
emment— New Charter, 1692 — Connecticut and Hampshire county — ^Third 
Indian war began in 1703 — Destruction of Deerfield and Pascommuck, and 
other events in 1704— Snow Shoes— The war from 1705 to 1713— Expenses— 
Taxca— Pay and food of soldiers — Captives— Scalps— Dogs— Dutch at Albany- 

Mabtin Smith of Deerfield was taken by the Indians in 
1693, and returned from Canada in 1698. In his absence, 
his wife Sarah murdered her illegitimate child, at Deerfield, 
Jan. 11, 1698. The judges of the Superior Court came up 
from Boston, escorted by 26 troopers, on account of the 
Indians, and she was tried at Springfield, Aug. 18, 1698. 
The jury brought in a verdict of guilty, and Justice Winthrop 
sentenced her " to be hanged by the neck till she was dead," 
on the 25th of August, between 12 and 4, P.M. Rev. John 
Williams of Deerfield preached a sermon at tlie execution. 
There was no newspaper to describe the scene. She was the 
first white person executed in Hampshire. She came from 
New Jersey to this county. 

Jack, a negro, who had been a servant of Mr. Samuel 
Wolcott of Wethersfield, was executed at Boston, in Septem- 
-ber, 1681, for burning the house of Lieut. William Clark of 
Northampton, in the night of the 14th of July, 1681. The 
house was on the lot on which Judge Dewey's dwelling-house 
How stands. In the indictment. Jack was charged with setting 
the house on fire feloniously, " by taking a brand of fire from 
the hearth and swinging it up and down, to find victuals, as 
by his confession may appear." Jack only confessed care- 
lessness, but the court ana jury had evidence which led them 
to believe that he set the house oh fire purposely. He was 
sentenced to be hung by the neck till dead, and ** then to be 
l^aken down and burnt to ashes in the fire with Maria, negro."* 

*The reason for burning the dead body does not appear. Perhaps it was done 

l^fleanse he was a slave. Maria, a slave, had burnt the house of her master in 

^Saxbuiy and another house. Mr. Savage says she was sentenced to be burnt to 

^I^i Ul Barbarity and cruelty were often exhibited in punishing slaves, as they 

^tffl are. One or two female slaves have been burnt at the stake in Massachn- 

*0tti. On the 18th of September, 1755, Mark, a ne^ro man, and Phillis, a negro 

wonum^ were executed at Cambridge, for poisoning their master, Capt. John 

^^<>diDan of Charlestown. He was lunged, and she was burnt at a stake about 

^|Ui yards firom the gallows. Phillis was burnt alive, a few miles from the capital 

^ Hew England, by the sentence of Massachusetts judges, and according to the , 

i*^^ of England, which condemned a male servant who killed his master to be 

I, ana a female servant to be burnt alive. Such was the deference of 

gi^Ciiah laws to English females. Many slaves were burnt alive in New York, 
^^ Jersey, and other colonies. 


Sickness of 1689. — This was a year of great sickness and 
mortality in Connecticut. For some weeks, they could not 
convene a General Court, and could not raise soldiers ; and 
they were not able to gather all their crops. The sickness 
extended up into Hampshire county as far as Springfield, 
where it was noticed by Major Pvnchon and the selectmen. 
The latter said they lost much of their English and Indian 
harvest and hay, by reason of the sickness. If the disease 
was in the towns above the Falls, it was less severe and 
general. 1683 was a sickly year in Connecticut and at 

Change op Government. 

Under the government of Dudley some months, and of 
Andros above two years, the people were deprived of power 
and had no voice in the government. From May, 1686 to 
May, 1689, there were no representatives of the people. 
After the overthrow of Andros, Eandolph, Dudley and their 
associates, the Council of Safety at Boston, early in May, 
1689, wrote to the towns in Hampshire, requesting each to 
choose a representative to aid in the establishment oi govern- 
ment. Seven towns in the county made returns between 
May 9 and May 17. That of Hadley follows : 

*' Hadleji May 15, 1689. This day, the inhabitants of Hadley, (so many of 
them as could conveniently assemble,) chose Capt. Aaron Cooke, their represen- 
tative, to join with the representatives of the other towns of the Massachusetts, 
at Boston, on the 22d of this instant May, impowering him to act with them for 
the common safety according to the need of our present state, and to any emer- 

§ency, till there be a more orderly settlement of government. Then also voted 
lat the Governor, Deputy Governor and Assistants, chosen and sworn in May, 
1686, according to charter rights, and the deputies then sent by the freemen, be 
the government now settled in the aforesaid colony. At the same time, gave in 
their votes for the adding of five to the aforesaid Assistants, which votes are sent 
by their representative, Capt. Aaron Cooke. As attest, 

SAMUEL MOODY, ) Selectmen for 
GEORGE STILLMAN, J the town." 

Representatives from six Hampshire towns appeared at 
Boston, May 22. A government according to the forms under 
the old charter continued about three years, though the charter 
had been abrogated. They made no permanent laws, but 
provided for the war, &c. The first General Court under the 
new charter met June 8, 1692, and began to legislate for the 
" Province of Massachusetts Bay," which embraced Plymouth 
colony and Maine.* 

* By the new charter, the governor and some other officers were appointed by 
the king. The royal governor could negative anv of the 28 councilors who 
were chosen by the representatives and council jointly, and he appointed all 
jndges and other officers of the law, with consent of the council. It was tho 
intention of the king and his advisers to form a royal party, a party &Torable to 
England, and they partially succeeded. 



Connecticut and Hampshire county. — Connecticut, having 
no enemies from Canada to encounter within her own borders, 
was to furnish occasional aid to Massachusetts and New York. 
As she did not comply with all their requests, complaints 
were made to the government in England, especially oy the 
governor of New York. To counteract these, particular 
accounts of what Connecticut had done were sent to England, 
and the following letter of acknowledgment was obtained 
from Hampshure.* 

The ready assistance this connty of Hampshire, in their majesties* province of 
the Ifassachnsetts Bay,. in New England, have had and found in our distresses 
in the times of war, from oar neighbors and friends of Connecticut colony, calls 
lor our grateful acknowledgment, as we do expect the continuance of their former 
fiiendliness and good neighborhood. 

Wherefore, these are humbly to signify, that we have received great help and 
yood assistance from the government of their mdesties' colony of Connecticut, 
in a ready, large and plentiful supply of men and help, both in the first war in 
the years 1675 and 1676, as also at divers times upon emergencies and exigences, 
they have performed great helpfulness in going upon discoveries and keeping 
garrisons, to their g^at charge, and now lately in their assistance at Deernelo, 
our chief' frontier town ; whereby through God's goodness, they have been a 
great support and guard, encouragement and safety to our county, and discoux^ 
agemcnt to the common enemy ; and hereunto we subscribe our hands, Septem- 
ber 28th, 1693. 

Solomon Stoddard, Minister of 

John Williams, Minister of 

William Williams, Minister of 

Edward Taylor, Minister of 


[Springfield and Hadley were desti- 
tute of a settled minister, in 1693.] 

John Py nchon, "] Justices of the Peace 
Peter Tilton, I for West Hampshire, 
Aaron Cook, >in the province of 

Joseph Hawley, 
Samuel Partrigg, ^ 

the Massachusetts 
Bay, in N. E. 

Thomas Colton, Capt. of Springfield. 
Samuel R(»ote, Lieut, of Westfield. 
Timothy Nash, Lieut, of Hadlejr. 
Samuel Partrigg, Capt. of Hatfield. 
John King, Lieut, or Northampton. 

Andros was aided in his despotic and tyrannical government by a few degen- 
erate sons of New England, and some others approved even in Connecticut 
King William was no friend to popular liberty, and he appunted to office Andros 
and those associated with his tyranny, and Joseph Dudley became governor of 
Massachusetts in 1702. The people at first had no amfidence in him, but he 
fought and gained the good will of many influential men among the clergy and 
people, including a number in these river towns, of whom one minister was a 
relatiye. A large party in the province were strongly opposed to him. — ^Lord 
Bellamont, who preceded Dudley, was a veiy popular governor. 

James II. directed Andros to encourage Episcopacy, and the first Episcopal 
ditirch in Massachusetts began under him. 

England had much more influence under the new charter than under the old. 
Our g^yemors lauded the English sovereigns on whom they depended, and 
■ODght to gratify their wishes ; and the governors were praised and seconded by 
their dependents and those who looked to them for favor. These men and others 
celebrated birth, accession and coronation days of kings and queens, and some 
other royal events, at the public expense, in the council chamber, by drinking 
wine and illuminating. These fooleries did not extend into the country. 

Snch patriots as these are very common in the United States at the present day. 

*Tnunbull mentions letters of thanks {rom Hainpshire under 17()5, when 
Gov. Dudley of Massachusetts and Gov. Dongan of New York were attempting 
to injure Connecticut and abridge her rights. Connecticut has records of soldiers 
sent to the aid of Hampshire until 1708. 


*^ The Honorable Colonel John Pynchon, Esq. was siok and 
died January 17, 1702-3, in the 77th year of his age," says 
the Springfield record. Lieut. Col. Samuel Partrigg, or Part- 
ridge, of Hatfield, succeeded him, as the most influential and 
powerful man in the county, in civil and military affiiirs. 

Thikd Indian War, 1703 to 1713. 

In May, 1 702, war was again commenced between England 
and France, which extended to their colonies in 1703. Hamp- 
shire had the same nine towns as in the last war. There was 
an alarm in August, 1703, and aid being requested of Con- 
necticut, two companies came up to Deerfield ; one remained 
6 days and the other 39 days. On the 8th of October, 
Zebadiah Williams and John Nims were taken in Deerfield 
meadow and carried to Canada. Those who lived without 
the palisade removed within.* 

Accounts of the destructive and memorable assault of the 
French and Indians upon Deerfield, on the 29th of February, 
1704, have often been published. It appears by a comparison. 
of Hatfield records and Deerfield narratives, that the number 
of persons killed and taken was 162, including three Frenclt* 
men taken, who resided in Deerfield ; that 38f were slain ia 
the palisaded village, and nine in the meadow fight ; and that 
112 of the English were taken, of whom 2 soon escaped^ 
22 were slain or perished on the way to Canada, 28 remamed 
in Canada, and 60 returned. Eight or nine of the slain and 
as many of the captives belonged to other towns. 

Some papers in the state archives, relating to the move- 
ments of men from the towns below, and to the fight in 
Deerfield meadow, have not been published. The following 
petition, signed by Capt. Jonathan Wells of Deerfield, and 
Sergt. Ebenezer Wright of Northampton, in behalf of the j 
company, was presented to the General Court, May, 1704. 

" We [of the towns below] understanding the extremity of the poor people aStm 
Deerfield, made all possible haste to their relief, that we might deliver thftt« 

* A letter from Eev. John Williams to Gov. Dudley, in October, 1703, a 
months before the fatal attack, says ; — " The fortification can be mended 
longer ; we must make it all new, and fetch the timber for 206 rods, 3 or 4 mi 
if we get oak. We have been driven from our houses into the fort, and there 
only 10 homclots in it, and we liave been so crowded together that indoor aff 
are carried on with difficulty. Strangers tell us that they would not live wl 
we do, for twenty times as much as we got." 

A letter from S. Partridge, in October, 1703, says Northampton, HadL^ 
Hatfield and Westfield had all laid out much in forting. — Hatfield voted in 1 
and 1704 to fortify three houses on the Hill and six in the town ; to rebuild 
palisade, and to build stairs into the turret of the meeting-house, so that a ? 
or day-watchman might be placed in the turret. The other towns may huv^'* 
done as much. 

tThe Hatfield account makes the number slain in the fort, 41, and on the 
to Canada, 19. Two or three of the former belong to the latter. 


remnant and do despoil on the enemy.* Being joined by a number of the Inhab- 
iUnts and garrison soldiers, we forced the enemy ont of the town, leaving a part 
of their plunder behind them ; and pursuing them about a mile and a half, did 
great execution upon them ; we saw at the time many dead bodies, and we and 
others did afterwards see prints on the snow where dead bodies were drawn to a 
hole in the river. The enemy being reinforced by a great number of fresh men, 
we were overpowered and necessitated to run to the fort, and in our flight, nine 
of the company were slain, and some others wounded, and some of us lost our 
upper garments, which we had just before put off in the pursuit.'' The action 
was over before others came into the fort. They asked tne General Court for 
some recompense. 

Ebenezer Wright gave the names of 67 men who fought in 
Deerfield meadow. Of these, 13 belonged to Deerfield, 8 to 
Northampton, 14 to Hadley and 22 to Hatfield. Of those 
whose dwellings were in the three towns below, 6 were of the 
Deerfield garrison, and 38 went up on the morning of the 
29th. The nine slain were Joseph Catlin and David Hoyt, Jr. 
of Deerfield ; Samuel Foot, Samuel Allis and Sergt. Benjamin 
Wait of Hatfield; and Sergeant Samuel Boltwood, his son 
Robert Boltwood, Jonathan Ingram and Nathaniel Warner, Jr. 
of Hadley. John Smead of Deerfield was shot in the thigh, 
and carried the ball until his death in 1720. 

The 14 men in the fight, who belonged to Hadley, were 
the four just named, that were slain, and Samuel Boltwood, Jr., 
Samuel Church, wounded in the arm, Benjamin Church, 
wounded in the foot, John Montague, Jr„ Ebenezer Selden, 
Nathaniel White, Jr., Thomas Hovey, Joseph Smith, Jr., 
Samuel Crowfoot, John Marsh. Samuel Boltwood was a 
sergeant of the Deerfield garrison ; the others went up on the % 
morning of the 29th. Thomas Selden of Hadley was among 
those slain in the town, and was probably one of the garrison. 
Hadley had five men slain in one day. Joseph Eastman of 
Hadley was one of the captives. 

The General Court, June 9, 1704, ordered that the losses of 
the soldiers, amounting to ^34.17.0, should be made up ; that 
each of the four widows of soldiers slain should have 5 pounds ; 
and that though only one scalp was obtained, the survivors of - 
the 67 should have ^60 equally divided, and the plunder 
taken from the enemy, which amounted to ^16.12.10, and - 
consisted of guns, blankets, hatchets, &c. The articles which 
the soldiers lost were coats, jackets, hats, &c.t 

*A petition of some of the survivors in 1735, stated that "the light of the 
burning buildings at Deeriield, gave notice to the towns below, sometime before 
we bad news from the distressed people/* — Johu Stoddard of Northampton was 
at the house of Mr. Williams in Deeriield, and he leaped from a chamber window 
and ran to Hatiield with the news. 

t In JanuaiT, 17U5, payment was requested for losses in the " Deerfield Fight," 
meaning the nght in toe village, for nine men. One of them was SSergt. Samuel 
Boltwood, several were from Northampton, and some were taken. Two Hatfield 
men requested a reward for killing an Indian in the same tight. These may all 
bare belonged to the garrison. The petition was not granted at that time. 



Deerfield was soon filled with soldiers from the towns in 
Hampshire and from Connecticut. A post was sent to Hart- 
f( ^ ford, and 147 men came up from that colony on the first of 
March, who remained at Deerfield only 4 or 5 days. They 
could not pursue the enemy for want of snow shoes, the snow 
being deep. The French and Indians had snow shoes. Capt* 
Newberry came up in March with 62 men and remained until 

The Deerfield people who remained, were about to desert 
the town, and seek safety elsewhere. To prevent this, 
» Lt. Col. Partridge of Hatfield, on the second of March, 
impressed the men into the service, and posted them at 
Deerfield as garrison soldiers. Pay and subsistence were 
allowed to them for fifteen months and perhaps longer.* 

On the 13th of May, 1704, a party of Indians attacked a 
hamlet of five families, at Pascommuck, near the north-east 
end of Mount Tom in Northampton, and killed or captured 
not less than 33 persons. Of these, 19 were slain, viz., Samuel 
Janes, his wife and three children, four children of Benjamin 
Janes, Benoni Jones and two children, John Searl and three 
children, Moses Hutchinson and one child and Patience 
Webb; and three escaped, eight were rescued, and three 
were carried to Canada.t — Capt. John Taylor of Northampton, 
who pursued the Indians with a company of horsemen, was 
slain. — A post was sent to Hartford, and the next day. Major 
Wm. Whiting came up with 192 dragoons ; they pursued the 
Indians at firgt on horseback, and next on foot, on account of 
mountains and swamps, but did not overtake them. 

Before the middle of June, there was a credible report that 
an army of French and Indians had marched from Canada, to 
attack Northampton, or some other Hampshire town. Major 
William Whiting came up at the head of 343 men in 5 com- 
panies, from every county, and almost every town, in Con- 

* There may have been abont 25 men remaining, and 50 or 60 women and 
children. Samuel Partridge, in Oct. 1704, estimated that " half who were to pay 
the Deerfield tax in May last, were killed or captured.'^ The other half of the 
taxable persons seem to have been left. Some houses within and without the 
palisade were not burnt. 

t Three were found alive, knocked on the head, and one of them scalped. They 
all recovered. The wife of Benjamin Janes, who was scalped, was under the care 
of Doct. Gcrshom Bulkley and others, at Wethersfield, several ycArs. Her husband 
lived in Wethersfield with her. and the governor and council kindly gave him a 
brief, May 8, 1707, craving the charity of the people of Branford, Guilford, 
Killingworth and Saybrook. She was finally cured and they settled in Coventry. 
— ^Those carried to Canada were Elisha Searl, son of John, aged 9 years, Esther, 
wife of Benoni Jones, (an Ingersol,) who died in Canada, and her niece, Marn- 
ret Huggins, aged 18, who returned. Elisha Searl came to Northampton in 1722, 
and was reluctantly induced to remain, the government aiding. He, like some 
other New England children, had been strongly attached to the Catholic religion 
and to the Indian mode of life. 


necticut, and they remained many weeks. His head-quarters 
were at Northampton. There was intelligence of the approach 
of the enemy three times in June and July, and other troops 
came up each time, and remained a few days. The French 
and Inoians, finding these towns prepared, went eastward and 
fell upon Lancaster. The county was more full of troops in 
1704, than it had been since 1676. Many of the county 
soldiers were in arms. There was frequent marching and 
constant scouting. Several persons were slain in the county. 
May 11, John AUen and wife were slain at Deerfield. July 19, 
Thomas Kussell of Hatfield, was slain above Deerfield, and a 
friendly Indian near Hatfield mill. July 29, Thomas Battis 
of Brookfield coming to Hadley as a post, was killed in the 

{iresent Belchertown. July 31, Capt. Allen of Connecticut 
ost two men, Benton and Olmstead, between Northampton 
and Westfield, and killed two Indians. — John Hawks of Deer- 
field wounded. 1704 was an expensive and calamitous year. 

On the 5th of June, 1704, Caleb Lyman of Northampton, 
with five Connecticut Indians, left Northampton to go up and 
attack some Indians who had established themselves at Cowas 
or Cowasset.* In nine days, they came near an Indian wig- 
wam in the evening, in which were nine Indians. They 
rushed upon them, and killed six men and one squaw, and 
two escaped. They returned to Northampton on the 19th or 
20th of June, with six scalps and some plunder. The General 
Court gave Caleb Lyman ^21, and the five Indians £10, each. 
Snow Shoes. — ^It was not until the enemy made attacks in 
the winter, and could not be pursued, that snow shoes were 
deemed of importance. The Massachusetts General Court, 
IMarch 13, 1704, ordered 500 pairs of snow shoes and as many 
xzioccasons, for the frontiers, one-fourth of them for Hampshire. 
Ihe snow shoes or rackets were not used with common shoes, 
Ibat with Indian shoes or moccasons. The province allowed 
only five shillings for a pair of each, for some years, though 
in Hampshire and elsewhere affirmed that good ones cost 
shillings in money. The price was raised to seven shil- 
Xings in 1712, and in April, 1712, Col. Partridge sent the 
xiames of 463 soldiers in Hampshire, who had provided them- 
■wlves with snow shoes and " mogginsons," and each was 
3.11owed seven shillings.t 

*Thi8 Cowas, or region of white pines, was, in later times, a part of the Lower 
^J*, now in Newbury, Vermont. The wigwam was supposed to be 20 miles 
■»«low Cowas. 

-^ These Indian inventions for traveling on deep snows, were noticed by 
S^^mpUin in Canada in 1603. Josselyn found them among the Indians of 
Sf^ne. A few English hunters and soldiers in Massachusetts used them in the 
''tb eentury. 


But little damage was done by Indians in Hampshire in 
1706. A winter attack upon some of these towns was 
expected, and 200 men from Connecticut with snow shoes 
were posted at Westfield, Northampton, Hadley and Hatfield, 
in January, February and part oi March. Garrisons were 
kept also at Deerfield and Brookfield. There were in the 
year several reports of the approach of Indians, and many 
men were in the public service. — ^In 1706, Samuel Chapin of 
Springfield was wounded, July 31 ; widow Mary Tosh, or 
Mackintosh, was killed at Brookfield ; and Judah Trumbull 
of Suffield was slain in July. A company from Connecticut 
was in garrison three months or more. — ^In July, 1707, 
Edward Bancroft of Westfield, aged 19, was mortally wounded, 
and died Sept. 10. No other harm from Indians in this county 
in 1707, is recorded. An unsuccessful expedition against 
Port Royal cost Massachusetts above £ 16,000. 

In 1708, several lives were lost in Hampshire. July 9, 
Samuel and Joseph Parsons, sons of Capt. John Parsons of 
Northampton, were slain in the woods. July 26, seven or 
eight Indians rushed into the house of Lt. Abel Wright of 
Skipmuck in Springfield, and killed two soldiers, Aaron 
Parsons of Nortnampton and Benajah Hulbert of Enfield ; 
scalped the wife of Lt. Wright, who died Oct. 19 ; took 
Hannah, the wife of Lieut. Wright's son Henry, and probably 
slew her ; killed her infant son Henry in a cradle, and 
knocked on the head her daughter Hannah, aged 2 years, in 
the same cradle ; the letter recovered. In August, a son of 
Josiah Barber of Windsor was slain and Martin Kellogg, Jn 
taken " 100 miles up the river." Oct. 13, Abijah Bartlett 
was slain at Brookfield, John Wolcott taken and three Brook- 
field men wounded. Oct. 26, Ebenezer Field, son of John 
Field of Hatfield, was slain at Muddy Brook in Deerfield. 
Some Connecticut soldiers were in Hampshire in 1707 and 

Excursions to Lake Champlain and Cowasset. — Capt. John 
Stoddard of Northampton, with 12 men, crossed what is now 
Vermont, in May, 1707. They killed no Indians. It is sup- 
posed that this was the first party of soldiers that went from 
Connecticut River to the lake. — ^In February, 1708, Capt. 
Benjamin Wright of Northampton, with a company, ascended 
the river to Coasset or Cowasset, (now Newbury, Vt.) They 
found no Indians. Soldiers extended their excursions much 
farther than in the last war. — ^In 1709, Capt. B. Wright, with 
about 10 men, crossed the wilderness to Lake Champlain. 
On the 20th of May, they killed one Indian and wounded 
others near the lake. On their return, they had a skirmish 


with a party of Indians on Onion River, and Lt. John Wells 
of DeeriBeld was slain, John Burt of Northampton was slain 
or perished in the woods, and John Strong of Northampton 
was wounded. The General Court gave to Capt. Wright 
JL 13 and to nine men £ 6 each. They had a pocket compass 
to guide them. 

In 1709, the English government directed tlie northern 
colonies to raise forces, to unite with those of England, and 
attack Canada by sea and land, but the promised fleet and 
troops from England did not arrive, and the enterprise failed. 
Massachusetts had 900 men in arms near Boston, and many 
vessels employed, from May to October, and the expense to 
the province was above 20,000 pounds. 

April 11, 1709, Mehuman Hinsdale of Deerfield, was cap- 
tured in the road above Hatfield.* June 23, Joseph Clesson 
and John Arms were taken near Deerfield, and the next day, 
Jonathan Williams was killed, Matthew Clesson mortally 
wounded, and two others wounded. Aug. 8, John Clary and 
Robert Granger were slain at Brookfield. 

July 22, 1710, six men, who were making hay at Brook- 
field, were surprised and slain. A great loss for that small 
place. There is no account of any attack near Connecticut 
iliver in 1710. Penhallow's History states that a post was 
slain between Brookfield and Hadley in 1710. The Indians 
did mischief at Waterbury, Conn. The capture of Port Royal 
in 1710, cost Massachusetts about 20,000 pounds. 

Aug. 10, 1711, Samuel Strong of Northampton was taken, 
and his son Samuel slain, as they were going into the south 
meadow gate. The father was carried to Canada, but 

In 1711, an expedition fitted out by England and the 

northern colonies, against Quebec, was a failure. This was 

the third attempt to conquer Canada. The expense to 

Massachusetts was near 21,000 pounds. Soldiers had not 

before been drawn from Hampshire for distant expeditions, 

bat one of the 18 companies of Massachusetts that embarked 

at Boston in July, was from this county, and commanded by 

Capt. Ebenezer Pomeroy of Northampton. He must have 

liad men from all the towns in Hampshire, except one or two. 

TTheir pay from June 23 to Oct. 26, 1711, amounted to 

^367.2.10. Their names are not found. 

* He thonght he was in no danger because the leaves were not out. The 
Tlndiam seldom appeared in the spring till they could be hidden by the leaves. 

tHe was the grandfiither of Nehemiah Strong, professor in Tale College, and 
Jiidg* Simeon fi&ong of Amherst. 


On the 9th of January, 1712, the lake and rivers being 
frozen hard and the snow deep, Col. Partridge levied 100 men 
from his regiment to strengthen Deei-field and other exposed 
places. The men had snow shoes, and made some excursions 
on them. 

In April, 1712, Lietit. Thomas Baker of Northampton, with 
32 men, passed up the Connecticut, and crossed it south of 
Cowasset, and proceeded to the Pemigewasset, where they 
found a party of Indians, and killed one, and mortally 
wounded others as they believed. They took as many beaver 
skins as they could carry, and went down near the Merrimac 
to Dunstable, and thence to Boston. The General Court gave 
them 30 pounds besides their wages. 

July 29, 1712, Benjamin Wright, aged 18, of Skipmuck in 
Springfield, was taken, and afterw^ards killed. July 30, a 
scouting* party from Connecticut, was attacked west of Deer- 
field, and Samuel Audrus of Hartford slain, and two taken. 

The queen's proclamation for a suspension of arms, was 
published in Boston, Oct. 27, 1712. The peace of Utrecht 
was signed March 30, 1713. 

This second ten years war, called Queen Anne's war, was 
much more expensive than King William's war. The expend- 
itures of Massachusetts, civil and military, from May, 1703^ to 
May, 1713; amounted to 370,000* pounds. Of this sum, at 
least 285,000 pounds, or 960,000 dollars,* were for war. The 
war was excessively burdensome to Massachusetts. In 10 
years, taxes were laid upon the people to the amount of 
227,000 pounds, or about 75,000 aollars yearly. The polls 
were taxed 10 shillings yearly. The impost and excise in 
ten years produced about 36,000 pounds. Province bills 
w.ere issuea every year, and in May, 1713, the amount of 
unredeemed bills was 127,000 pounds, and the debt of the 
province was not much short of that sum.t 

* The expenses for nine years are obtained from the accoants of treasurersy in 
the Massachusetts Archives. One year's expense is estimated. 

tThe military expenses in Hampshire county in this war were between 2500 
and 3000 pounds in a year, including the subsistence of Connecticut troopi. 
The pay ol these troops cost Connecticut large sums. 

The pay of soldiers in this war was generally six shillings per week ; for a 
time, those in g^arrisons received only five shillings ; in the Canada expeditioii, 
1711, they had eight shillings. Their food was from three shilling^ to four shil- 
ling^ and eight pence per week. In 1704, the allowance to a man per day, in a 
fort or gai:rison, was one pound of bread, two>thirds of a pound of ptork or some- 
times one pound and a third of beef, half a pint of peas, and two quarts of beer. 
The Connecticut allowance was nearly the same. Marching soldiers had a little 
more food. The ration of provisions down to the Revolution did not differ much 
from that of 1704. 

The first regular allowance of rum to soldiers, that I have noticed, was one ffll 
per day, inst^ of beer, in the Port Boyal expedition in 1707. Connecticat 


Many of the Hampshire soldiers were employed in scouting 
and garrisoning. Capt. John Stoddard of Northampton, com- 
manded a large number of soldiers many years, who were in 
several towns, and moved to places that were threatened, and 
ranged the woods. 

The Hampshire province tax in 1708 was £ 1046, lOs., and 
it was the same for several years, thus proportioned : — 
Springfield, ^272, Northampton, 220.10, Hadley, 157.10, 
Hatfield, 136.10, Westfield, 100, Suffield, 70, Enfield, 60, 
Deerfield, 30, Brookfield, 0. 

During this war, 103 persons were slain in this county, or 
in excursions from it, viz., 47 at Deerfield in one day, 20 at or 
near Pascommuck, and 36 in various places. 123 were taken, 
of whom 22 were slain or died on the way to Canada, and two 
died in Canada.* 

There were 187 captives in Canada from New England, 
early in 1706, after a number had returned, and many were 
captured after 1706. Messengers were sent from Hampshire 
county to Canada by way of Albany, five times to redeem 
captives, and from Boston to Quebec by water twice, from 
1705 to 1713. In 1706, John Sheldon of Deerfield, brought 
to Boston 44 captives and Capt. Appleton, 57 ; among the 
latter was Rev. John Williams of Deerfield. Many came at 
other times. Much of the difficulty in recovering captives 
was owing to the Catholic priests who were more inhuman 
than the French governors and people. The captives who 
remained in Canada were lost to their friends. They were 
ignorant Catholics, and many differed little from the savages.t 

In this war, Massachusetts gave a reward of £ 10 for Indian 
8calps, obtained by those who received wages and subsistence, 

mQowed the same, in a land expedition to Canada, in 1711. Soldiers on the 
fiontiers wore not famished with ram. 

This war, like all others, promoted idleness and vice, and had a pemicious 
influence on many of the people. 

*To those who had been in Canada, may be added William Boltwood, son of 
Sergeant Samnel Boltwood of Uadley. He died below Qaebec, Aug. 27, 1714, 
on his return. He had been a captive, or perhaps an aid in recoyering captives. 

Three men taken at Deerfield wore sent to France and came home by way of 
England. They saw a part of both countries. 

t Several unsuccessfal attempts were made to redeem Eunice Williams, daugh- 
ter of Bev. John Williams of Deerfield. May 26, 1713, John Schuyler of Albany, 
Tiaited her among the Cagnawagas or French Mohawks in Canada, with a priest 
and an Indian interpreter. She had recently been married to an Indian who 
was present. Neither Mr. Schuyler nor the priest nor the interpreter could 
persuade her to talk with Mr. S. or answer his questions. The only words she 
nttered in almost two hours were jaghtt oghte, which meant a denial. She was 
a besotted, Catholic Indian. [Mr. Schuyler's letter is in the Massachusetts 

Rev. Eleazar Williams, whom all believed to be a descendant of Eunice 
Williams, until recently some have supposed him to be the Dauphin, or son of 
Looii XYI., died at Hogansburg, Franklin Co., N. T., Aug. 28, ISdS. 



and in some cases, £ 20. Volunteers who went out at their 
own expense, received £ 100 for a scalp, after March, 1704. 
Not many Indians were destroyed. Penhallow said the charge 
of the war was so great, that every Indian killed or taken 
cost 1000 pounds. 

Dogs. — In November, 1706, Massachusetts passed an act 
" for raising and increasing dogs, for the better security of the 
frontiers." In 1708, the sum of 41 pounds was paid for 
" trailing of dogs" on the frontiers of Middlesex. Dogs were 
employed on the western frontier in 1746, and Gideon Lyman 
of Northampton, was allowed £ 12, 13s. 7d. for purchasing 
dogs. — Connecticut, in October, 1708, appropriated 60 pounds 
to bring up and maintain dogs to hunt after Indians. New 
Jersey, in 1768, proposed to procure 60 " large, strong and 
fierce dogs," for the service. It is not known that any Indian 
was harmed by the do^. Perhaps the main object was to 
trace the Indians to their hiding places. (See page 176.) 

The Dutch at Albany. — The Five Nations made a treaty of 
neutrality with the French, which eoaabled the latter and 
their Indian allies to direct all their efforts against New 
England. Grahame's History of the United States aflBrms 
that the Dutch merchants at Albany purchased in the most 
open manner of the Canadian Indians the plunder they had 
taken from the people of New England, thus encouraging 
them in their depredations. Some respectable citizens of 
Albany detested this base policy, especially Col. Schuvler. 
Ealm, in his Travels in North America, in 1749, relates 
similar things of the Dutch at Albany. 

The Mohawks or Maquas. — ^Massachusetts made presents to 
the Mohawks in 1704 and 1708; and entertained some of 
them in Boston, and gave gifts to them in 1709. The four 
Mohawk sachems, who sailed for England with Col. Peter 
Schuyler, in February, 1710, were supported in Boston and 
the vicinity about five weeks, in the usual style. (See pages 
132, 133.) They went out to Dunstable to hunt several 
times, and Josiah Parker accompanied them, and furnished 
them with horses, rum, tobacco, &c. The General Court 
voted £ 30 for Col. Schuyler and these chiefs on the voyage. 
They attracted the attention of the English, were feasted by 
the nobility and had an audience with the queen. They 
returned to Boston in July, 1710, and Gov. Dudley furnished 
Col. Schuyler and the sachems with 9 horses for themselves, 
and a guard of 10 troopers to Westfield. 

The objects of this embassy were to impress the Indians 
with an idea of the power and greatness ot England, and to 
solicit the aid of a British force to conquer Canada. 



Common lands — ^Division of Hadley lands now in Amherst — Division of Hadley 
lands now in South Hadley and Granby — ^Thc Crank — ^EQghways and Paths — 
Division of the Inner Commons in Hadley — Summary of Grants and Distribu- 
tions — Hockanum — Peter Domo. 

The division of the common uplands, or outer and inner 
commons, was a most important and exciting subject, in a 
great number of New England towns, for a long time. It 
was a question of property, in which men are always inter- 
ested. The more wealthy inhabitants desired a distribution of 
the commons according to the estates or valuations of men ; 
those of small estates contended for a more equal division, 
having more regard to persons. Men of middling estates 
were seldom united, and many of them acted in concert with 
the first class. In these river towns, the subject of dividing 
the commons was not much discussed until the latter part of 
the 17th century; the agitation continued at times for 
half a century or more.* 

Division of Amherst Lands. 

Hadley ordered no general division of a tract of upland 
until 1700. On the fourth of March, 1700, the town voted 
that all the land from Mount Holyoke to Mill River, west of 
a line three and a quarter miles from the meeting-house, 
should lie as common land forever, " supposing (they say,) 
that this line will take in the whole of the New Swamp," 
that is, leave the whole west of it. And they voted that the 
commons east of that line, should be laid out in three divisions, 
between the Broukfield road and Mill River; leaving forty 
Tods between the divisions for highways, and what was neces- 
sary for east and west highways-t Every one was to have a 

* Rev. Jonathan Edwards, in a letter writt^ in 1751, said there had been in 
Northampton for 40 or 50 years, two parties, ** somewhat like the court and 
country party of England, if I may compare small things with great." The first 
party emoraced the great proprietors of land, and the parties contended about 
uma and other matters. There were similar parties in otoer towns. 

t It is supposed that the highways were left 40 rods wide, to enable the future 
inhabitants to deviate many rods from a straight course, on the public land, in 
forming the ways for travel, and thus avoid swamps, steep ascents, and other bad 
places. In 1754, Hadley reduced the western highway to 20 rods in width, and 
the eastern to 12 rods, most of the way. They also reduced the width of the 
croM highways. In 1788, Amherst narrowed the hichways to 6 rods, and some 
to 4 rods in width, and sold the land thus gained to the owners of adjoining lots. 



proportion in the first or second division, and every one in 
tiie third division. Every householder to have a 50 pound 
allotment, and parents or masters to have a 25 pound allot- 
ment for each male minor above 16. The town voted, 
March 3, 1701, that the rest of these commons should be laid 
out according to the meadow land each man possessed. In 
drawing, the first lot, or No. 1, was to be next to the Brook- 
field road, in each division, and the numbers were to proceed 
northward. They then drew lots.* Wood and timber might 
be cut on the lots as long as they were unfenced. The town 
measurers, Capt. Aaron Cooke, Comet Nehemiah Dickinson 
and Mr. Samuel Porter, were not ordered by the town to lay 
out the east commons until March 1, 1703, and they reported 
on the 3d of May ensuing, that they had laid out the three 
divisions. They were not aided by a surveyor's compass. 

The number of persons who drew in the first and second, 
or west and middle divisions, were 97, or GO in the fu'st and 
37 in the second. Of these, 16 were Hatfield men, who 
owned land in Iladley meadows, chiefly on the west side of 
the river, and three more were non-residents, leaving 7S lots 
for the inhabitants of Iladley.t Apparently, the head of a 
family drew 17i rods in width, or 26J acres, for himself, and 
half as much for each son between 16 and 21 years of age. 
Men over 21, and not householders, seem to have had no more 
than minors. The rest was drawn for meadow laud — more 
than half of the whole. These two divisions were 240 rods 
wide each, and the lots were 240 rods long. The first division 
extended from Brookfield road to Mill River, and according to 
the measurers, the distance was 1961 rods, or the width of 
60 lots 1841 rods, and of 3 highways 120 rods. The land in 
the 60 lots was 2760 acres. — The second division extended 
north from the Brookfield road 1674 rods, or the width of 
37 lots was 1562 rods, and of 3 highways, 112 rods. Land in 
the 37 lots, 2343 acres. This division stopped i*ar short of 
Mill River. 

• In a division south of Monnt Holyokc, lots were drawn in this manner. As 
many naners as there were proi)netors were numbered, and ])ut into a box and 
well siiaken. Each proprietor drew out one of these papers, or if any wero 
absent, the moderator drew for them. 

'tThe number of families in Iladley in 1701, may have been 70, and they all 
Jivod on the old broad street, and the hij^hway at the north end, except perhaps 
the miller. 78 pers^^ns in Hadley drew two lots each in the Amherst lands, ajid 
many of the lots were extensive enoufrh for farms, and much of the .'^oil was j^ood. 

The layino: out in 17U;5, was accordinp^ to ])olls and meadow land in 1701, and 
to the dra\\in{X of 1701. In the followinj; list of names, those of Hatfield men 
have this mark, *, and of other non-residents, this mark, t. Samuel Crowfoot 
waa casually oQiitted, and had laud claewhero. 



"Here followeth an account of the wood lots laid out in April, 1703, the first lot 
beginning at Brookfiold road, and each lot in the first and second divisions to 
run 240 rods in leng-th, due cast of the stakes and. marks at each corner," of the 
west end. The breadth and acres are given in the records. Only the breadth is 
given here. Every rod in breadth makes one acre and a half. 

First Division. 
Brookfield road. 











Bods, feet 




Jonathan Marsh, 

Samuel Nash, 

Ebenezer Naj>h, 
^Samuel Marsh, 

Ephraim Nash, 

St'imuel Crow, 

Thomas Selding, 

John Seldinpf, 

William Kooker, 

Joseph Smith, 

Widow Craft, 
*Sam'l Dickinson, 
1-3 'Mr. Wm. Williams, 

14 'John Cole, 

15 *John Graves, 
IG *Stepheu Beldinj^, 
17 *Ebenezcr Billing, 
13 •Samuel Belding, Jr., 

19 *Daniel Warner, 

20 *Widow Warner, 

Highway 40 rods wide, S. of Fort River. 

21 13 
12 7 


22 11 
2G 5 


8 13 

7 5 

G 8 









Highway 40 rods N. end of Wells's Hill. 

52 Samuel Gaylord, 

53 William Gaylord, 

54 Wid. Hannah Porter, 

55 Samuel Porter, 
5G Hezekiah Porter, 

57 John Porter, 

58 Experience Porter, 

59 Ichabod Porter, 

60 Peter ^lontague. 

Mill River, North. 
Second Division. 

Brookfield Road. 

John Goodman, 
Aaron Cook, Esq., 
Thomas llovey, 
Westwood Cook, 
Samuel Cook, 

4 G 

21 14 

72 11 

44 8 

21 *Jo8eph Smith, 

22 *Ebenezer Wells, 

23 Nathaniel White, 

24 John Smith, Tailor, 

25 John Preston, 

26 Nathaniel Warner, 

27 Daniel Hubbard, 

28 *Col. Samuel I»artrigg, 

29 Samuel Partrigg, Jr., 

30 Sam'l and Eben'r Moody, 

31 John Ingram, Sr., 

32 John luCTam, Jr., 

33 Samuel Ingram, 

34 Nathaniel Ingram, 

35 Jonathan Ingram, 

36 Thomas Goodman, 

37 John Smith, oq)han, 

38 Samuel Barnard, 

A Highway 40 rods wide, goeth over 
New Swamp, and runs to Foot's Folly. 





52 9 
48 2 

39 Samuel Church, 

40 Josiah Church, 

41 Joseph Church, 

42 John Taylor, Sr., 

43 John Taylor, Jr., 

44 Eleazar Warner, 

45 John Hilyard, 

46 W^illiam Brown, 

47 'Nathaniel Dickinson, 

48 'Edward Church, 

49 Samuel Smith, Sr., 

50 James Smith, 

51 Preserved Smith, 


24 14 

IG 1 

68 IJ 

17 8 



3 11 

17 8 
46 11 
17 8 
























Highway 40 rods — removed 1734. 

6 Closes Cook, 44 

7 Samuel Boltwood, 62 

8 Daniel Marsh, 134 

9 tThos. Dickinson, 44 
10 Deac. Sanmel Smith, 45 

John Montague, 54 

Isaac Warner, 17 

Daniel Warner, 8 

Widow Cooke, 2 

Ens. Chileab Smith, 39 
Samuel Smith, son of Ch. 34 
Luke Smith, " 
Ebenezer Smith, " 
John Smith, ** 
Mr. Isaac Chauncey, 
Town Lot, 60 acres, 
George Stillman, 
Ichabod Smith, 
Jacob Warner, 

Highway 40 rods, "nins down to 
Foot's Folly from New Swamp." 

25 Land of Coleman, 39 6 

2G John Kellogg, 32 8 

27 Edward Kellogg, 17 8 

28 Lt. Joseph Kellogg, 55 6 

29 Nathaniel Kellogg, 17 8 

30 tMr. Samuel Russell, 4 3 

31 tMr. Jonathan Russell, 7 6 

32 John Nash, 31 6 

33 Joseph Nash, 31 

34 *Thomas Nash, 8 13 

Highway 32 rods in breadth. 

35 Neh'hDickinson&sons, 113 13 

36 Timothv Eastman, 69 5 

37 Peter filton, 594 acres, 39 6 

Commons, North. 



















The third or eastern division, was called two miles in width, 
or the lots two miles in length. The number of lots was 93 ; 
two persons in the other divisions received an equivalent 
elsewhere, and three others drew as one. The head of a 
family seems to have drawn 10 rods and 6 feet in width or 
41i acres, for himself, and half as much for sons between 16 
and 21, besides what he drew for meadow land. The width 
of the 93 lots, according to the measurers, was about 1971 
rods, and there were no cross highways. A rod in width 
made four acres, and the division contained 7884 acres, as laid 
out, but the west line of the equivalent lands cut off about 
3000 acres. There still remained in the three divisions about 
10,000 acres, besides the highways. 

The Hadley measurers began the west line of the tract they 
were to lay out at the Brookfield road, and in order to not 
include the New Swamp and some other lands, they, in run- 
ning northerly, inclined 13 or 14 degrees easterly of the course 
of the east line of Hadley. This west line determined the 
direction of those east oi it, and carried the east division 
beyond the east line of the town,* into province land, after- 
wards called equivalent land, now in Belchertown and 
Pelham. When the line between Hadley and the equivalent 
land was fixed by the compass, it did not reduce the width of 
the east division at the south end, very much, but at the north 
end, it was reduced to half a mile. — In 1738, the town granted 
to 31 persons, whose lots were in the northern part of the 
east division, and who had lost the most by the equivalent 
line, about 600 acres, on the Flat Hills, so called, and west 
of them, between the second and third divisions and Mill 
River, and there were a few grants to others in this tract.t 

Amherst was not settled as early as South Hadley. There 
was an Indian war from 1722 to 1726, and perhaps it was 
deemed hazardous to remove families to either place, especially 

* Perhaps they knew not where the eastern lino was. 

There had been grants in or near the east division in 1698, viz., 38 acres to 
ten men, southwest of Lawrence's Swamp; and a tract to Samuel Boltwood 
northward of Foot's Folly Swamp. These grants were not regarded in the dis- 
tribution of 1703. 

t Prices of Land. — ^After the lands in Amherst were laid out, there was an 
Indian war for ten years, and outlands were of little worth. In inventories, land 
in the first and second divisions was valued at about one shilling per acre, and 
in the east division at six pence, and even as low as four pence. From 1713 to 
1722, the value of the best lots of land increased, to two shillings and sixpence 
or three shillings per acre, and of the poorer to half as much. .^Jtcr settlements 
were made, or from 1728 to 1731, the more desirable lots seem to have been 
worth from six to ten shillings ($ 1,00 to $1,67) per acre, and those less favor- 
ably situated, from three to nvc shillings per acre. These are prices in proclama- 
tion money, six shillings to a dollar. In province bills, the nominal value was 
much higher. 


north of the* mountain. Permanent settlements may have 
begun in Amherst in 1727, and in South Hadley about two 
years before. 

Division of Lands in South Hadley and Granbt. 

The first grant of land by Hadley south of Mount Holyoke, 
was in February, 1675, when Thomas Selden had six acres at 
the mouth of Dry Brook, adjoining the Connecticut, below 
the present Rock Ferry. In 1682, Timothy Nash had a grant 
of a parcel of land between Bachelor's brook and Stony brook, 
adjoining the great river, " at the southernmost part of our 
bounds." This land is now owned by Emerson Bates and 
H. Moody. In 1680, the town granted 20 acres each to David 
Hoyt, Thomas Wells and Joseph Hovey, " beyond Mount • 
Holliake, on Bachelor's brook ;" and in 1688, John Lawrence 
had a grant of 3 or 4 acres towards Bachelor's brook. The 
grants to the four men last named, seem to have become void. 
— In 1684, four men had liberty to set up a saw-mill on Stony 
brook or Bachelor's brook, and the right to cut timber. In 
1699, four other men had permission to erect a saw-mill at 
the falls of Bachelor's brook, below the former grant, with 
the frame and right to timber. The mills erected under these 
grants are not known. In the proprietor's records in 1721 
and 1722, the " old mill place" on Bachelor's brook is men- 
tioned, which was above Allen's present paper-mill ; also the 
" old mill pond" on Stony brook, which was below Smith's 
present grist-mill, and a saw-mill below the pond. When 
Hadley had been settled 60 years, there had been no grants 
south of Holyoke but those noticed, and the only building 
was a saw-mill. The lands belonged to the great horse and 
cattle pasture of Hadley, as well as most of those north of 
the mountain. Deer also fed in these open, park-like forests. 

On the 25th of January, 1720, Hadley voted to lay out 
the land on the south side of Mount Holyoke, according to 
the list of estates and polls, taken in the same month ; and to n ' 
add to them, for the proprietors or town an estate of £ 150, ^ 
the head and estate of Mr. Chauncey, and the polls of some v* ' 
aged* or infirm men, whose heads were not taxed. The v. 
amount of estates and polls was ^6063, 8s. How polls were / 
estimated does not appear. The number of those who were 
entitled to lands south of Holyoke was 117. Of these, 95 
belonged to Hadley, 21 to Hatfield, and the heirs of Thomas 
Dickinson to Connecticut. 

^ Among the aged men were two of the first settlers of Hadley, viz., Ens. 
Chileab Smith and John Ingram. Ens. Chileab Smith let his sons draw hij 
shares, and his name is not in this list of proprietors. 

/ » 




The nile for dividing tho lands south of Mount Hol.yoko was tho following list 
wliicli was taken in January, 1720, with a few additions made by tho town. 
117 names. 

East side of tlie street, beginning at 
the nortli end. 

Mr. Samuel Partridge, 
Mr. Peter Montague, 
John Smith, 2d, (or})han) 
Lt. John Smith, 
Ichabod Smith, 
John Montague, Sr., 
Coqi, John Montague, 
Experience Porter, 
Samuel Porter, Jr., 
Daniel Ifubbard, 
Timothy Hillyer, 
Town or Pnjprietors, 
liev. Isaac Chauncey, 

Middle Highway. 

Capt. Samuel B<arnard, 

Corp. Samuel Dickinson, 

Lt. S'ehomiah Dickinson, 

Israel Dickinson, 

Dcac. .John Smith, 

Mr. Siimuel Porter, Esq. 

Nathaniel White, Jr., 

Deac. Nathaniel White, 

Joseph White, 

Joso])h Eastman, 

Serg. John Marsh, 

Ebenezer Miirsh, 

John (ioodman, 

John G(>odman, Jr., 

Lt. Samuel Cook, 

Lt. Thom;is Ilovey, 

Wid. Mehetabcl Dickinson, 

John Lane, 

West side of tho street, beginning at 
the south end. 



























































Joseph Kellogg, 

John Kellogg, 

William Kooiier, 

Iklary, wid. of Preserved Smith 

Timothy Eastman, 

William Montague, 

Doct. John Barnard, 

Sergt. Samuel Moody, 

Ebenezer Moody, 

Sergt. William Dickinson, 

Mr. Jonathan Marsh, 

Samuel Crow, 

liuke Smith, 

Thomas Taylor, 

Ebenezer Taylor, 

Samuel Taylor, 

Sergt. Joseph Nash, 

Mr. Daniel Marsh, 

Wid. EUzabeth Warner, 





































Jacob Warner, 



Thomas Goodman, 


Lt. Westwood Cook, 



Middle Highway. 

John Nash, 



Sanmel Nash, 



Thomas Selden, 



Ebenezer Selden, 



Samuel Church, 



Joseph Church, 


Benjamin Church, 
Nathaniel Kellogg, 





Ens. Moses Cook, 



Solomon Boltwood, 



Samuel Crowfoot, 



Noah Cook, 



Corp. Chileab Smith, 



Sergt. Samuel Smith, 
Elislia Perkins, 




Nathaniel Ingram, 



John Ingram, Sr., 



n the North Highway and at tho Mill. 

Daniel Warner, 


Saumel Gaylord, 



John Preston, 



John Ingram, 2d, 


Johu Ingram, 3d, 



Sergt. Joseph Smith, 



Jonathan Smith, 


Benjamin Smith, 



On tho New Street, on the Pine Plain. 

Eloazar Warner, 



Stephen Wanier, 


Joseph Smith, Jr., called 




John Nash, Jr., 



Peter Montague, Jr., 



Nathaniel Kellogg, Jr., 



Sanmel Boltwood, 



Ephraim Nash, 


Continuation of Middle Highway, 

Job Marsh, 



John Selden, 



John Taylor, Sr., 


John Taylor, Jr., 



John Smith, Jr., sou of Deac 



John White, 


Ebenezer Smith, 


Peter Domo, 


William Murray, 





> Men. 




Ebenezor Billinjr, 


Cornet Samuel Bcldin^, 


Ebenczcr AVanicr, 



Ebouezer Wells, 


Jonathan Smith, 


Kathanirl Dickinson, 2d, 



Joseph Kellogg, 


Jonathan Graves, 


Thomas Dickinson's heirs in 






















Col. Samuel Partridge, Esq., 

Tliomas Nash, 

Isaac Hubbard, 

Kichard Church, 

John Graves, 

Icbabod Porter, 

Jonathan Cowls, 

Joseph Smith, 

Sergt. Stephen Bclding, 

Deac. Samuel Marsh, 

Nathaniel Dickinson, 

Samuel Dickinson, 

Daniel Warner, 

The inhabitants of Hadlcy in the preceding list are nearly 
all arranged according to their residence. A few may not be 
rightly placed.* 

Falls Woods Field was the only general field laid out south 
of Holyoke. It was named Falls Woods, because it was 
wood-laud, near the falls. This field was voted March 14, 
1720, and every proprietor of Hadley was to have his share. 
The western boundary was the great river, the southern was 
Col. Pynchon's north line ; and the eastern line began 3G1 
rods and 9 links from the great river, on Col. Pynchon's line, 
and ran north to Stonv brook, and this brook was to be the 
northern limit. The lots ran from the great river to the 
east side. Every man was to fence in proportion to the acres 
he had in the field. The whole fence was above 1100 rods, 
and was to be made up by the last of May, 1721. One pound 
of estate drew between 40 aud 47 rods of land, and the whole 
field contained about 1775 acres. 

Homelots were voted March 14, 1720, and they were laid 
out in 1720 and 1721. Every man drew a homelot according 
to his estate. These lots were in nine places or divisions, and 
they selected land which they considered proper for houselots 
and homesteads, avoiding pine plains, and low, wet lands. 
They did not reject elevated situations, as Chileab's hill and 
Cold hill. Saudy hill, so called, a central place on the roadi* 

* Such Vnita are given with a view to show who were the inhabitants of Uadley 
at certain tinies, and fur other jmrposis. 

In 1701, the cipht men in Ha«lley who drew the most land, were Samuel 
Porter, Daniel ^Iar^«h, Neheniiah Dickinson, Peter Monta};:ue, t^aiuuel l*artri<lj;:e, 
Jr., Westwood Cook, Nathaniel White and Thomas St'lden. — In ]7*J«I. the eijrht 
men hijrhc«t in the valuation, were Samuel Porter, Westwoud Cook, Peter Mon- 
tajrue, Daniel Manjh, Nathaniel Kcllo«vgf, Nathaniel White, Experience Porter 
and I^uke Smith. 

The four JtiUn Smiths in the roll of names in 17*20, were Dene. John Smitli, 
son of Pliili}) ; John Smith, orphan, son of John who was slain in 1070; 
Lt. John Siaith, son of Chileab ; and John Smith, son of Deac. John. A lift h 
John Smitli, son x\f Ebenezer and grandson of Chileab, arrived at the a^e of 
21 jcars in Vm. 


to Springfield, and the site of much of the present village, 
had no homelots on the west side. All the homelots con- 
tained 1000 acres ; 6 pounds of estate drew about one acre. 

Meadow land was voted in February, 1722, and was laid 
out the same year, in six meadows, named Stony brook 
meadow, Chapin's meadow. Great meadow. Little meadow, 
Long meadow on Taylor's brook, and Pichawamiche meadow. 
Most of these meadow lots were within the present limits of 
Granby, and some were swampy. There were similar mow- 
ing lands on Bachelor's brook and elsewhere. In those days, 
the hay was all obtained from low grounds, many of them 
marshy. The meadow land distributed was 500 acres, and 
12 pounds of estate were entitled to about one acre. 

Five more distributions were voted in half a century, viz., 
one of 6000 acres in 1722 ; one of 4000 acres in 1731 ; one 
of 3000 acres in 1762 ; one of 2600 acres in 1770 ; and one of 
2000 acres in 1772. Each of the 117 proprietors, or his heirs 
or assigns, had a first and second choice, or two lots, in each 
of these five divisions, all of which contained 16,500 acres. 

These five distributions of land were made in a very singu- 
lar manner. Each proprietor selected his lots where he 
pleased, in any part of 16,600 acres not already taken up, 
with some slight limitations. The number on the paper 
which a man drew from the box, did not designate his lot of 
land, but his turn for choosing a lot. If he drew No. 40, he 
knew that 39 men had a right to select their shares, and cull 
the best unappropriated lands they could find, before his turn 
came. Many inconveniences resulted from this skipping and 
culling. The later locations of land often over-lapped those 
made many years before. Many lots in the later distributions 
were not surveyed and bounded for many years, and not a few 
have been laid out since 1800, especially on the mountain.* 

There were 19,775 acres of land in the 8 divisions, and a 
few pieces were sold by the proprietors. Every pound of the 
117 estates was entitled to a little more than 3| acres of land, 
good and poor, in 52 years. 

The Crank. — The tract of land in the south-eastern part of 
Granby, granted to the inhabitants south of Holyoke in 1727, 
and noticed on page 195, was called the Crank in old land 
records and deeds. I find no account of the division of this 
tract. It was not considered very valuable. In 1736, nine 
proprietors sold their undivided rights to Capt. James Bowdoin 
of Boston. Many others sold their rights in the Crank. 

•The surveyors eraplojed to layout the lands south of Holyoke, were first, 
Timothy Dwight of Northampton, in 1720; 2d, Nathaniel Kcllopg of Hadley; 
3d, Eleazar Nash of Granby; 4th, Gardner Preston of South Hadley. 


Highways. — ^Northampton and Hadley, in early days, had a 
cartway to Springfield through the territory that is now 
South Hadley. In 1662, there was an "old cart bridge" 
across Bachelor's river or brook. The highway laid in 1664, 
went " as the cartway now runs, in breadth 20 rods." It was 
laid again in 1710, "as the road now runs 10 rods wide." 
Long before 1710, two ways, the western and eastern, were 
traveled from Dry brook easterly of Rock ferry, to Sandy hill, 
where they came together, a little north of the Female Sem- 
inary. It is not known which was the original road. The 
western road could not have been traveled in high water, but 
it is more often called the Springfield or country road than 
the, other in the land book, in 1720 and after.* 

• These two roads have been continued to the present day, with some altera- 
tions. The western traveled way, after crossing the valley or dingle called by 
the odd name of Lubber's Hole, near the present village, passed west of the 
buildings now on the west side of the street, to near the nortn-east corner of the 
burying yard. The eastern road has always passed over the elevation called 
Chileab's hill. 

In 1720, there were various paths in the scattered woods, on both sides of the 
mountain, made by men and animals. Hunters and other men, domestic ani- 
mals, deer and turkies crossed the mountain in those low places called " cracks" 
by the fathers, especially at the Round Hill Crack, where is now the road between 
Amherst and Granby and South Hadley. Here was a beaten path which extended 
southerly and crossed Bachelor's brook, before there were any settlers in Amherst 
or South Hadley, At a later period, the hunters sometimes called this Crack, or 
a low place west of it, the Turkey Pass. Another path passed over Cold hill, and 
extended to the eastern limits of the township. 

The prices of a few pieces of land in the early divisions of South Hadley, have 
been obtained. In 1722, some lot^ in Falls Woods Field were appraised at two 
shillings per acre, and homelots and meadows from six pence to a shilling more. 
In 1725, a few lots in Falls Woods and Great Meadow were as high as four shil- 
lings and six pence per acre. In 172S and 1729, good lands in Falls Woods had 
advanced to seven and eight shillings per acre ; and some lar^e lots in the 
division of 5()U0 acres were valued at various prices, from four to six shillings an 
acre. Choice meadow land, not very distant from houses, was as high as eignteeu 
shillings an acre. As settlers beciime more numerous, the price of lands 
advanced. The prices mentioned refer to dollars at six shillings, not to province 

There is a tradition that parents in Hadley shed tears over their sons and 
daughters, and implored the blessings of Heaven upon them, when they left the 
old village to settle in the woods south of the mountain. Some of the new 
settlers, botli south and east, returned to the old homes every Sabbath, and 
attended meeting in the old place, and heard Mr. Chauncey preach. 

Many elderly men, who had always cultivated the intervals of Hadley, doubted 
whether families could get a living on the uplands of South Hadley and Amherst, 
and talked discouragingly to the young people who proposed to remove to those 

The south settlers increased faster than those east. In 1731, the taxable 
" South Inhabitants" were 37, and the taxable " East Inhabitants," 18. The 
south inhabitants on page 292, are arranged with some regard to residence. 
Several were single men. The five Taylors at the beginning of the list were not 
very far from the Springfield line, on the plain and on the Pynchon lot. Most of 
the next 16 were on the old road between Stony brook and the top of Chileab's 
hill ; the last 16 and perhaps 2 of the preceding 16, were on other roads, east of 
this main road. About eight were within the present limits of Granby. Thos. 
€k)odman, Jr. and William Gaylord were early settlers in Falls Woods, but may 
not have been there in 1731. 



Early in 1722, Samuel Porter, Esq., Lt. John Smith and 
Experience Porter laid out for the proprietors 21 highways, 
most of them 8 rods wide, which are all recorded. The two 
Springfield roads to Sandy hill, and one thence to Springfield 
line, remained as before. A road from Cold hill easterly to 
the end of their bounds, was called by the name of " Picha- 
wamiche road." 

Division op Hadlet Inner Commons. 

Hadley, having disposed of the Outer or Outward Com- 
mons, voted, on the 10th of May, 1731, to divide the Inner or 
Inward Commons among the inhabitants ; and that each 
should have his proportion in these lands, according to his 
real estarte, as it stood in the list taken in January, 1781. 
Rev. Mr. Chauncey's real estate was to be taken into the list, 
and each poll to be estimated at three pounds estate, and 
all Indian, mulatto and negro servants to be estimated as polls. 

The attempt to divide the Inner Commons did not then 
succeed. The proprietors of the undivided lands between 
Mount Holyoke and Sunderland, assumed the management of 
them, and held meetings. In August, 1733, they decided 
that it would be advantageous to improve the lands for the 
growth of fire-wood and timber, " which is the principal thing, 
they said, that said commons are needed for." They deemed 
them unfit for cultivation. They ordered that walnut and 
oak trees less than 12 inches in diameter at the stub, should 
not be cut for fire-wood, but they might be cut for timber. 
There were similar votes in 1740 and 1741. In 1737, maple 
and elm staddles under 8 inches in diameter, might not be 
cut, but in 1741, they were free for all. In 1739 and 1741, 
each proprietor had liberty to take one pine tree for boards to 
every 16 pounds estate.* 

November 30, 1741, after a delay of 10 years, the proprie- 
tors voted to divide the commons according to the rule of 
1731, and chose a committee to get the lands surveyed. 
Nathaniel Kellogg, Jr. was the surveyor. 

* In 1713, by an order of the town, oak staddles under 12 inches in diameter 
might not be taken from the commons. In 1726, walnut and oak staddles under 
6 inches at the stub might not be cut, except for timber. In 1727, oak and 
walnut staddles under 10 inches at the stub were not to be cut, except for timber. 

It may be inferred from these votes, from 1713 to 1741, that good timber was 
not plenty on the Uadley commons, in consequence of burning the woods. 

Tne New Swamp of the Hadley records was divided as Inner Commons, except 
some on the east side, which was included in the first division of East Hadley. 
The old north road from Hadley to Amherst, crosses this swamp. — After East 
Hadley was settled, the plantation was sometimes named New Swamp. 

The vote of March 4, 17()0, that certain land (page 2B1) should lie as common 
land forever, was repealed May 10, 1731. 



A list of the lenl estate of each inhabitant of Hadley, in January, 1731, with 
the addition of three pounds for each poll, and servant. The Inner Commons 
were divided according to these sums.* 

North end of street on east 

Mr. Samuel Partrigg, 49 

Cotton Partrigrg, 32 

Westwood Cook, Jr. 33 

Peter Montague's heirs, 77 
Ja's Smith, son of Preserved, 3 
JohnSmith,3d,son of orphan,16 
Hezekiah Smith, 21 

Noah Smith, 22 

Lt. John Smith, 55 

Ichabod Smith, 39 

John Montage, Jr. 44 

Nathaniel Montague, 3 

Heirs of John Montague, Jr. 8 
Heirs of John Marsh, and 

widow Sarah Marsh, 57 
Samuel Porter, 
£leazar Porter, Esq. 
Joaeph Hubbard, 
TVilliam Fargeson, 

Daniel Hubbard, 

Town Lot. 

ALt. Isaac Chauncey, 42 

s. d. 












Middle Highway. 

^Itamuel Barnard, 88 

X>eac. Samuel Dickinson, 61 

«I'ohii Smith, son of Deac. 37 
«Fo8eph Smith, son of Deac. 20 

X>aniel Smith, shoemaker, 3 

J'ob Marsh, 63 

X>eac. Nathaniel White, 20 

John White, 20 

A¥Uliam White, 20 

Ebenexer White, 20 

Joseph Eastman, 58 

Slbenezer Marsh, 58 

Jobn Goodman, 44 

Goodman, 23 

Samuel Cook, 79 

Thomas Hovey, 46 
"Wid. Mehetabel Dickinson's 

■ons Daniel and John, 32 







South end of street on west side. 

James Kellogg, 


16 6 


17 6 



South Highway. 

£,, s. d. 
William Rooker, 15 

Timothy Eastman, 84 5 

Doct. lliomas Barnard, on 

School lot, 22 

Samuel Moody, Sr. 49 13 

Samuel Moody, Jr. 8 10 

John Moody, 3 

Nathan Moody, 3 

Ens. Wm. Dickinson, 79 2 6 

Samuel Crow, 42 10 

Capi. Luke Smith, 71 8 

Jona. Smith, son of Luke, 8 

Samuel Nash, 10 10 

Daniel Marsh, 42 11 6 

Wm. Marsh's heirs, 42 4 

Jacob Warner, 51 15 

Thomas Goodman, 53 11 

Samuel Goodman. 3 

Lt. Westwood Cook, 90 19 

Middle Highway. 

Mr. John Nash, 53 5 

Ebenezer Selden, 19 1 

Mr. Thomas Selden, 24 10 

Samuel Church, 45 6 6 

Serg^Benjamin Church, 38 6 6 

Ezekiel Kellogg, 42 3 

Lt. Moses Cook, 72 7 

Solomon Boltwood, 45 19 

Samuel Catlin, 3 

Samuel Crowfoot, 4 

Noah Cook, ' 51 5 

Sergt, Chileab Smith, 37 12 

At north end, and on the new or back 


56 16 

William Murray, 
Samuel Gaylord, 
Nathaniel Ingram, 
Aaron Cook, 
Mr. Joseph Smith and son 

Mr. Samuel Mighill, 
Peletiah Smith, 














*The names of men in Hadley were formerly placed on valuations and tax 

^nDi according to their dwellings. (See page 212.) The assessors, in entering 

tile names on the list of 1731, proceeded down on the east side of the main street, 

^sd up on the west side ; then through the north highway, and down in the 

vick street. Probably there were some deviations. Nathaniel Ingram and 

ytm Cook may not be in their places. Some buildings at the north end had 

■•^Bwe^t away or endangered by the river. 

Jnw residence of the 147 persons in the list of 1731, was as follows ; — ^90 in the 
iJ^town, 2 near School meadow, 37 in the second precinct, south of Holyoke, 
*w 18 in what was afterwards ^e third precinct and Amherst. The latter 
*uked H. were from Hatfield. 



Widow Warner's danghton 

yiarj and Joanna, 
Stephen Waraer, 
Joseph Smith, Jr., cooper, 
Nathaniel Kellogg, Jr., 
Nathaniel Kellogg, Sr., 
Ralph AVay, 
Doct. Wm. Squire and 

Doct. Richard Crouch, 
John Selding, 
Isaac Selding, 
Jonathan Atherton, 
Israel Dickinson, 
Peter Domo, 
Thomas Temple, 
Samuel Nash, Jr. 
Abel Roberts, 

X. 8. d. South Inhabitants, (Sooth Hadley.) 




















8 6 

3073 14 

East Inhabitants, (Amherst.) 

John Ingram, Sr. 
John Ingram, Jr. 
Ebenozer Kellogg, 
John Cowls, H. 
Jonathan Cowls, H. 
Samuel Boltwood, 
Samuel Hawlcj, N. H. 
Nathaniel Church, 
John Wells, H. 
Aaron Smitli, 
Nathaniel Smith, 
Richard Chauncej, 
Stephen Smith, H. 
John Nash, Jr. 
Joseph Wells, H. 
Ebonezer Scovil, 
El>enczer Ingram, 
Ebenezcr Dickinson, 

36 1 




<&H. 9 10 













School Meadow. 

Jonathan Smith, H. 
Jonathan Dickinson, 



John Taylor, 

Joseph Taylor, 

Samuel Taylor, Jr. 

Joshua Taylor, 

Moses Taylor, 

Nathaniel Ingram, Jr. 

William Gaylord, 

John Preston's heirs, 

Samuel Kugg, 

Nathaniel Wnite, Jr. 

Thomas Goodman, Jr. 

Samuel Smith, 

Samuel Kellogg, 

Richard Church, 

Samuel Taylor, Sr. 

William Smith, 

Daniel Nash, Sr. 

Daniel Nash, 2d, 

William Montague, 

Joseph White, 

Luke Montague, 

Ephraim Nash, 

Timothy Nash, 

Joseph Nash, 

Ebenezcr Moody, 

Ebenezer Moody, Jr. 

Peter Montaeue, 

Chilcab SmiUi, Jr. 

John Smith, son of Ebenezer, 

Jonathan Smith, son of Joseph 

Smith, Sr., cooper, 
William Dickinson, Jr. 
Nehemiah Dickinson, 
Joseph Kellogg, 
Thomas Taylor, 
Ebenezer Taylor, 
Timothy Hilyard, 
John Lane, 

















In the year 1742, the first, second, third and fourth divisicn^j 
of the Commons were allotted and surveyed, each divisS^ oi 
having several distinct tracts, and all those whose names vr ci^ 
in the list of real estate and polls in 1731, or their successoTs^ 
in their names, had a lot in each division. Many highw8j9 
were reserved across and between the rows of lots. Except- 
ing the Pine Plain west of Spruce Swamp, these four divisions 
comprehended the commons in Hadlcy, from near the foot of 
Holyoke to Sunderland line, and included the land north of 
Mill River, which is now in Amherst. Mount Warner was itx 
tracts 3 and 4, in the first division. 

In 1743, the fifth or mountain division was laid out aa^ 
divided. It extended from the equivalent land in Cold Spria g) 


(Belchertown,) on the east, to the common fence of Hocka- 
num and Fort meadow, on the west, 1750 rods, or almost 
6 J miles, comprising most of the northern declivity of Hol- 
yoke, and some land not on the mountain slope. The lots 
were opposite the south end of the third precinct, or Amherst, 
for 1200 rods, and farther west for 550 rods. The Bay or 
Brookfield road separated them from Amherst about 1150 
rods. The lots terminated on the top of the mountain, except 
a few beyond the east end of the mountain. The length of 
the lots was estimated, for it could not be measured, and 
varied in the surveyor's record, from about half a mile to 
upwards of a mile, averaging about three-fourths of a mile. 
The lines between the lots were north and south by the 
needle. It was ascertained many years after that the eastern 
lot was partly in Belchertown. 

Sheep pasture. — A cow or sheep pasture on the north side 
of Holyoke, was voted by the town in 1725. In 1737, they 
voted to fence in as a sheep pasture, the tract called cow 

})asture, to encourage the keeping of sheep. In 1749, the 
ence was rebuilt or repairecl around the sheep pasture. 
These pastures were west of the common fence and mountain 
division. That of 1749 was on the northern and north-western 
slope of the mountain, and a phvt of it extended westward 
from the common fence above a mile, almost to the Hocka- 
num highway. — ^In 1754, this sheep pasture was divided 
among the 147 persons in the list of 1731, making very 
narrow lots. Many of them ended on the top of the mountain, 
but some on the north-western side. A few lots were laid 
out north of the sheep pasture. There was to be a path two 
rods wide across the lots. This was called the sixth division 
of commons. 

In 1754, lots were drawn in the 7th division, which was on 
the pine plain, east of the homelots and others granted on 
"that plain, and west of Fort River swamp and Spruce swamp. 
This narrow, irregular division stretched northward, from the 
highway by Fort meadow fence, above two miles, to near the 
Stone Bridge, so called. The portions of men were small. 
The real estates in the valuation of 1731, with three pounds 
for each poll, amounted to 3603 pounds in the town book. 
The surveyor's total seems to be three pounds less.* 

•Nathaniel Kellogg surveyed the lands and proportioned the lots: he reg- 
istered the divisions and lots and drew plans of five divisions which are 
extant. He was a skillful surveyor, but not skilled in spelling. In 174*2 
and 1743, he received 15 shillings a day for surveying, and chain-men had 
6 shillings In silver, his wages would have been not above five shillings, and 
those of the chain-men about two shillings. They boarded themselves. 


The quantity of land drawn by one pound in each divisioD, 
and the whole number of acres drawn by £3603, at that rate, 
in each division, were as follows : — 

Acre. rods. 



Ist Division, 

£1 drew 



All drew 














81 j. 



















£ldrewinaU, 3 111. Total acres, 13303 J22. 

In 62 years, from 1703 to 1754, both inclusive, near forty 
thousand acres of land were divided among the inhabitants of 
Hadley, and a few non-resident proprietors, besides the land 
in the Crank, which belonged to the south precinct. In 1770 
and 1772, four thousand five hundred acres of the poorer 
lands, south of Holyoke, were ordered to be distributed. 

Those old Puritans, the first settlers of Hadley, in distrib- 
uting lands, were more mindful of the interest of those who 
had but little property, than their descendants were in later 
divisions. The proportion of land received by those in mod- 
erate circumstances became less and less in the subsequent 
divisions. The head of a family without real estate, drew 
above 60 acres in 10,000 acres, in the Amherst divisions of 
1703 ; he had not far from 60 acres in about 20,000 acres in 
South Hadley and Granby under the rule of 1720 ; and he 
received only 11 acres in 13,000 acres of commons distributed 
according to the vote of 1731. The division of 1731 must 
have been contrived by the large land-holders, and aided by 
a considerable portion of the middling class. Their rule was, 
— " whosoever hath, to him shall be given." The wealthy 
man received sls much land on account of his slave, as the 
poor man on his own account. 

Many persons obtained farms for themselves or their sons, 
from their lots in the commons, but the greater part of the 
first owners of the commons in the three parishes did not 
settle on any of their lots, nor did their sons. The land-holders 
did not become rich by these great accessions of land. The 
sales were too slow and the prices too low. Wild lands were 
very abundant, and the supply far exceeded the demand. 
The Inner Commons of the first parish of Hadley continued 
to be used chiefly for wood, timber and pasturage, for more 
than 30 years after 1743. There was much pine plain land, and 
this had always been despised by the people of Hadley. 
Good timber was scarce, especially white pine. Previous to 



1770, perhaps half a dozen houses had been erected on the 
13,000 acres of Inner Commons.* 

SuMMABT OP Grants and Distbibutions. 

It may be estimated that the old township of Hadley con- 
tained about 89 square miles, or 67,000 acres ;t and that 
42 square miles, or 27,000 acres, were south of the summit 
of Holyoke, and 47 square miles, or 30,000 acres, were north 
of the summit. The grants and distributions were nearly as 
follows : — 

North of Holyoke. 

Distributions before 1703, .... 3500 

Divisions in Amherst in J 703, .... 10000 

Flat Hills and lands adjoining, ... dOO 

7 Divisions, from 1742 to 1754, .* . . . 13300 


^lie highways and streams, the nooks and corners not distributed in the 
giv igjons, the grants to Hockanum people on the mountain, and some rocks and 
l^^ecipioes on Holyoke not reckoned as land, may make 2300 acres. 

South of Holyoke. 

6 Divisions in South Hadley and Granby under the rule of 1720, 19775 
In the Crank, supposed, .... 4500 

Fjmchon's Grant at the Falls, .... 500 


^Che highways, ponds and streams, lands sold by the proprietors, the rocks and 
■••eps and corners not surveyed, may be 2225 acres. The Crank may contain 
i^Hm or less than 4500 acres. The extent of South Hadley and Granby may 
exceed 42 square miles. 

*The value of the Inner Commons in inventories, down to 1758, was generally 
'vom three shillings to nine shillings per acre, in good money. Some lots were 
^^ned at less than two shillings per acre, and a few at twelve shillings or more. 
Bomeof the Mount Warner lots seem to have been accounted as valuable as any. 

^ township 13 miles and 100 rods in length. This south line of the ten miles 
mst have oeen conjectural, and too far south. It is calculated from the state 
*^ and various measurements, that the entire township of Hadlev was full 
jlJoiles in length, and on an average, not far from 6} miles in breadtn, making 
*^(Nit 89 square miles or 57,000 acres. 

It b not pretended that the estimates of the square miles in the old township, 
ttd north and south of the summit of Holyoke, are free from errors. The writer 
■■> not the exact measures that are necessary for accuracy. — An old estimate 
*^ tile land in South Hadley and Granby was 24,000 acres, did not probably 
'^(Me the mountain. 

^Jj|oont Holyoke is about 6i miles in len^h, and with the spurs and smaller 
vk eonnected with it, may average one mile and a third in breadth, making 
V Mtnare miles or 5550 acres. The mountain occupies almost one-tenth of the 
j* to wnship. The summit in some places, is about 8^ miles south of the old 
"■^Mand line and 5^ miles north of the old Springfield line. Some parts of it 
■iferflierfrom the Springfield line. 



This hamlet in Hadley, between Mount Holyoke and the 
Connecticut, and about three miles south of Hadley village, 
was commenced by a few men from Northampton. Capt. 
John Lyman* and his son Zadok were the first settlers about 
1744, and Ebenezer Poraeroy, the 3d, son-in-law of Capt. 
Lyman, joined them in a lew years, and afterwards his 
brother, Stephen Pomeroy. Gideon Lyman, Esq. purchased 
lands at Hockanum, and his son, Gideon Lyman, Jr. lived 
there some years, and after his death, another son, Elijah 
Lyman ; also Caleb Lyman, the youngest son of Capt. John, 
Israel Lyman, the oldest son of Zadok, and Ethan Pomeroy, 
son of Ebenezer. Stephen Coats, a native of Westfield, lived 
in a small house in the ferrtlane, and took care of the ferry. 
These were all the heads otfamilies previous to 1780. 

The first settlers, with other proprietors, for their own 
convenience, opened a road through their own lands about 
three-fourths of a mile, from the highway into Hockanum 
meadow, southerly to the mountain gate ; and travelers soon 
began to use the new road and to neglect the upper road, on 
the lower part of the mountain, which had been traveled 
about 85 years. In March, 1745, the town allowed Capt. 
Lyman to build a fence across the old Springfield road, pro- 
vided he would keep a good gate. 

The Hockanum men, having become inhabitants of Hadley 
after 1731, had no share in the commons. But the proprie- 
tors, in May, 1754, as an equivalent for the new highway and 
a little money, granted to Capt. John Lyman ; Israel, Azariah 
and Luke Ljnnan, sons of Zadok deceased ; Mr. Gideon 
Lyman of Northampton and Ebenezer Pomeroy, the land from 
the lower side of the old Springfield road to the top of Mount 
Holyoke, beginning against the south end of the skirts, and 
extending along the mountain north-easterly to the sheep 
pasture lots, perhaps near a mile. The Lyraans were " to 
allow the highway across their land to lie open where it now 
is." In 1761, a county road was first laid through Hockanum 
street, from the mountain gate to Fort River bridge, 587 rods.t 

* Capt. Lyman's house in Northampton was burnt Dec. 8, 174'2, and two of 
his children perished in the flames. There is a tradition that he desired to leave 
the homestead where tliis afflictive event had occurred, and that this was one 
reason for his removing across the river. 

The Ljmans and Pomeroy s had relatives and friends in Northampton, and for 
many years they had more intercourse with the people of that town than with 
those of Hadley. 

tin 1761, Capt. Lyman lived on the east side of the way, 116 rods north of 
the mountain gate ; his son Caleb lived on the same place, and the house stlU 


In April, 1750, Zadok Lyman purchased of Elias Lyman of 
Northampton, the island in Connecticut River, below Hocka- 
num meadow, estimated at 2 J acres, for £5, 6s. 8d. The 
island gradually increased and became valuable, and is now 
connected with the main land. 

A ferry was first established at Hockanum by the county 
court in 1755.* There was before no licensed ferry across 
the Connecticut between Springfield and Hadley village. 
There were two ferries to accommodate the travel between 
this village and Northampton. There was no licensed ferry 
connected with South Hadley until 1770. 

Peter Domo. 

A few years before 1^9, a man named Peter Domo or Domer appeared in 
Hadley. In 1719, he married Mary Crowfoot. He lived some years in a small 
house on the pine plain street, near where Cook's brick blacksmith's shop now 
stands,! and had four or five daughters and one son. He was poor and industri- 
ous, not ambitious, and, according to tradition, his wife fi^ovomed him and the 
family, which ^avo him no uneasiness except when excited by the sneers and 
sarcasms of mischievous wags. After a sheep pasture had been enclosed on the 
side of Holyoke, as early as 1737, Peter is found living in a log house west of 
the meadow fence, and north of the sheep pasture fence, near the comer where 
they intersect, and but few rods from either. It is supposed that the owners of 
the sheep induced him to establish himself in that solitary place, and paid him 
for taking care of the flock. His house was on the south-western part of a hi^h 
plain, called Lawrence's plain, near whero the gentle slope of the mountain 
begins. There were many acres of this plain within the meadow fence, unap- 
propriated, and Peter could use as much of it as he chose to clear. He made an 
opening of considerable extent, and raised wheat, rye, com and garden vegeta- 

Zadok Lyman lived on the west side of the way, a few rods south of the 
present house of Samuel Russell, and there he kept a public house from 1746 
until his death, the latter part of 1753. His widow was licensed in 1754. 
Ebenezer Pomeroy, who lived in the house next north, where the Pomcroy house 
still stands, was tne next innkeeper in Hockanum. 

E. Pomeroy's tavern had the sign of the White Horse. At the August court, 
1759, Joseph Hawley complained of Pomeroy for misrule and disorder in his 
house, on tne 6th of August, in suffering young people of both sexes from North- 
ampton, to sing, dance and revel in his house, to a late hour. He confessed and 
was fined ten shillings. The young men were also complained of for drinking 
and tippling some hours, and for fiddling, singing, dancing and reveling " for 
three hours after nine o'clock," at Pomeroy's. Charles Phelps of Hadley 
appeared as counsel for the dancers, at the February court, 1760, and the indict- 
ment was quashed. Seven of the young men were from Northampton and one 
from Hockanum. 

* Gideon Lyman, Jr. was first appointed ferryman, in 1755. Stephen Coats 
was appointed in 1759, and many years after. Ho conveyed people across the 
river before 1755. Israel Lyman began to keep the ferry soon after the Revolu- 
tion commenced, and continued a long time. The fare in 1756 was five coppers, 
(3^ pence,) for man and horse, between May 15 and Nov. 15, and six coppers, 
(4 pence,) for the rest of the year. For a single person, one penny from May 15 
to Nov. 15, and one penny and a tliird, or two coppers, for the rest of the year. 
Coppers were estimated at two-thirds of a penny. The fare for man and horse at 
Haiclley village was a little less. 

t Peter had a small house and orchard on this sandy place, which James 
Kellogg bought. In 1759, they were still called " Domer's orchard and old 
house," and were appraised at 40 shillings ; the land was supposed to belong to 
tlie town. 




bles. He was aided by his wife and children. The cattle that roTed in the 
woods came and looked wistfiillj through the common fence at Peter's com and 
cabbage, but the spacious ditch, high bank, and strong post and rail fence were 
an effectual barrier against them. The wild animals gave him more annoyance. 
The howling of the wolves was sometimes heard in the night, but if they 
approached too near the sheep-fold, the faithful dog gave an alarm. The raccoons 
plundered Peter's corn-field, and the woodchudu sometimes came into his 
garden, and the foxes, hawks and owls carried off his fowls. He destroyed some 
of the depredators with his trap and gun, and he shot partridges and turkies on 
the side of the mountain, and rarely a deer. Peter lived a number of years in 
quietness and peace in this sequestered nook, about two miles from all human 
habitations. But changes and improvements were approaching, and they never 
come without bringing discomfort to some. The talk of dividing the sheep 
pasture and the land adjoining foreboded ill to Peter, for he was only a squatter 
on public land. It is believed that he foresaw the evil and removed to Granby, 
then a part of South Hadley, before the division took place. The records show 
that the land he had occupied, called " Peter Dome's Improvements," was allot- 
ted to other men in 1754. He died in 1763, and his grave-stone may be seen in 
the South Hadley burjine jard. He left some property to his children. 

" Peter Dome's House was a famous landmark in the division of the com- 
mons, in 1742, 1743, &c. and is several times mentioned. The comers of two 
or three divisions were a certain number of rods from this house. 

When I cross this plain, I sometimes linger awhile near the spot where stood 
the lonely dwelling of Peter Domo. The hole which he used for a cellar is 
almost filled up, but pieces of bricks still indicate that civilized man has lived 
there. In a near ravine, is the same spring of water that supplied Peter's famihr. 
There is now a fence where the sheep pasture fence was, and the ditch of the 
old common fence still stretches up the mountain side. Most of the old sheep 
pasture is now wood-land. Stately trees have grown there since Peter guarded 
the Hadley flock. 

About three-fourths of a mile north of Dome's house, by the side of the common 
fence, is the place of the old Indian fort, which has been before noticed. 220 
rods south of Dome's house, where the mountain is steep, is the south end of the 
common fence. 

When I was young, I heard the expression, " as silly as Domer," and it was 
used in some of the river towns. This is said to have come from a fooliah 
remark which Peter made to his wife, after some mischief-making young men 
had been joking and jeering him because he was governed by her. 

[This was written in 1848. The axe has since made an inroad among the 
trees of the sheep pasture, as in most other forests.] 



Equivalent Land — New Towns — ^Land Speculation — Tar and Turpentine — Can- 
dlewood — Scarcity of Timber — ^Floating timber down the Connecticut — Logs 
on the meadows — Rafts of boards — Carting by the Falls — Hadley Landing^t — 
Island between Northampton and Hadley. 

Equivalent Land. — Massachusetts, adhering to a wrong 
south line, which was run in 1642, and crossed Connecticut 
River several miles too far south, granted south of the true 
line 105,793 acres of land, mostly to SuiGeld, Enfield and 
Woodstock, but partly to individuals and other towns. After 
a long controversy, it was agreed in 1713 that Massachusetts 

mSTOBT or HADLET. 299 

shonid give to Connecticut the same number of acres as an 
equivalent, and that the towns named should remain to 
Massachusetts.* In 1716, two men from Connecticut and 
one from Massachusetts laid out for Connecticut 105,793 
acres, viz., 51,850 acres east of Hadley, afterwards in Bel- 
chertown and Pelham,t 10,000 acres afterwards in Ware, and 
43,943 acres at Coasset, above the present village of Brattle- 
boro', Massachusetts then claiming the lower part of Vermont 
and New Hampshire. 

In April, 1716, the agents of Connecticut sold the 105,793 
acres, at auction, in Hartford, for 683 pounds, or a trifle more 
than three half pence per acre. The land was held in 16 

New Towns. — After the peace of 1713, permanent settle- 
ments were begun at Northfield and Swampfield,J (Sunder- 
land,) in 1714. The inh^itants of the latter were chiefly 
from Hadley and Hatfield. Brimfield was settled about the 
same time, and there were twelve towns and plantations in 
the county. All but Enfield and Brimfield had been com- 
menced previous to Philip's war, forty years before. After 
the close of the fourth Inaian war in 1726, there was peace 
until 1744, and many new settlements were commenced in 
Hampshire. There were inhabitants at Cold Spring, (Bel- 
chertown,) about as early as at East Hadley, (Amherst,) and 
Aaron Lyman was a licensed innkeeper at Cold Spring in 
1728, indicating that there was consiaerable travel between 
Hadley and Brookfield. 

Land Speculation was known in New England in the 17th 
century. Roger Williams said in 1670, that there was a 
great desire for getting large portions of laud in this wilder- 
ness. The reforming synod of 1679, noticed among the evils, 
" an insatiable desire after land in many professors." Land 
speculation was much more common in the 18th century, 
especially aftier the peace of 1726. Many men in Boston, 
Salem and in country towns made extensive purchases of wild 
lands in the new towns and in the outward commons of old 

*In 1747, these towns, and Somers which had been set off from Enfield, 
requested the General Assembly of Connecticut to take them under that (i^ovem- 
ment, and they were received in 1749. By this revolt, Massachusetts lost four 
towns, three of them in Hampshire. 

t It was the west line of this land that cut off so much, not unjustly, from the 
east division of Amherst. 

t Much work must have been done at Swampfield by Hadley men and others, 
before Philip's war in J675. They were fencing: in 1674 and 1675. In J685, 
Joseph Hawley mentioned that there was an old ditch for a fence four miles long, 
on tne outside of the swamp, and that above 100 acres of plow-land had been 
formerly broken up. Old chimneys and cellars are noticed in some records. 
See pai^e 189. 



towns ; generally in Hampshire at prices equivalent to from 
one shilling to three shillings per acre, in money at six shil- 
lings to a dollar:* Before 1746, much land in the Hampshire 
towns was held by speculators. Ezekiel Kellogg, a traaer in 
Hadley, was a noted land-jobber. In 1729 and 1730, he 
bought 25 lots in the Amherst Divisions, and sold them to 
Col. Samuel Brown of Salem and others. He purchased in 
Sunderland Addition, (Leverett,) 17 lots containing 3128 
acres and sold them in 1731 to Wm. Brown of Salem, for four 
shillings per acre in province bills, equal to 25 cents. In 
1734, he sold 2124 acres in the eastern part of Northfield to 
James Brown of Newport, R. I. at a sum equal to 22 cents 
per acre. He bought and sol^ land south of Holyoke and in 
other places. There was much buying and selling of the 
equivalent land at Cold Spring. In 1722, twelve men, seven 
of them Northampton farmers, bought 8400 acres at Cold 
Spring at three shillings per acre in bills, equal then to half 
fhe sum in good money or 25 cents. Those who sold in a 
few years gained little or nothing, and some lost.* 

Tar was early made in New England. John Tinker from 
Massachusetts, and John Griffin and Michael Humphrey of 
Windsor, first made tar in Connecticut, at Massaco, (Sims- 
bury,) in 1643. Some years after, much tar was made at 
Windsor. In 1646, John Clarke and others of Springfield 
were gathering candlewood on the plains to make tar. In 
1650, it was ordered by Springfield tliat no person should 
gather and burn candlewood for making tar, pitch or coal 
within six miles east of the great river, but every inhabitant 
might gather candlewood for his family use where he pleased. 
No records show when the people of Northampton, Hadley 
and Hatfield began to make tar. In Hadley in 1704, all 

Eersons were forbidden ** to draw candlewood for tar," in the 
ouuds of the town, without liberty from the selectmen. In 
1714, all that drew candlewood for tar without liberty, were 
to be prosecuted. The candlewood seems to have been 
needed for light.t 

* In 1738, John Stoddard of Northampton, sold to the Scotch, (often called 
Scotch-Irish,) who were about to settle at Pelham, 14,137 acres of the northern 
part of the equivalent land, for 7300 pounds in bills of credit, equal to 2s. 7d. an 
acre, in proclamation money, or 43 cents. This land was bought for settlement. 

After Canada was conquered, and there was no fear of Indians, vast quantitiea 
of land in New England and other colonies were laid open to the farmer and the 
speculator. But all the land speculation in the colonies was trifling: in compari- 
son with what has taken place since 1783 in the United States, Our laws and 
government often practically favor the sharper and the speculator. 

t Governor John Winthrop of Connecticut, being in England, read a papGr 
before the Koyal Society in London, July 9. 1662, on " Making Pitch and Tar 
in New England." He noticed the pitch pines that grew on barren plains, from 
which the tor was made, and described the pine knots and the tar kilns. He 


Turpentine was not gathered for market until many years - 
after tar was made. It was procured from live pine trees, 
chiefly pitch pines ; and the business may have oeen begun in 
Hadley as early as 1685. The trees were boxed, that is, a hol- 
low place was cut in them with an axe, and the turpentine that 
collected in these boxes was dipped out and put into barrels 
and sent to Boston. The town regulated the boxing, intend- 
ing to prevent damage to valuable pine timber, and did not 
allow any to box trees on the commons without leave. In 
1701, the penalty for boxing without liberty was Ss. 6d. a 
tree ; in 1702, 5s. a tree. Pine trees were let for one year or 
more. In 1696, three men had the liberty of the pine trees 
west of Spruce hill, and others might use the pines near 
Partrigg's swamp. In 1703, the town voted to sell the pine 
trees for three years, between the Brookfield road and Bach- 
elor's River, north and south of Holyoke, to those who would 
give the worth of them ; and all other pines on the commons 
that were not likely to be beneficial for timber. In 1708, 
Westwood Cook had the use of the pine trees for turpentine, 
between the mountain. Bay road and certain brooks, one year, 
for 40 shillings. In 1714, Joseph Nash had the liberty of 
pine trees enough to cut 1000 boxes, on the south side of 
Stony brook, towards the mouth. He paid for them. In 
1723, the pine trees on Lawrence's plain and some lands 
adjoining, were let to Luke Smith ** for the drawing of tur- 
pentine," three years, for 28 pounds. A committee was 
chosen to lease the pines at the north-east and south-east 
corners of our bounds.* In 1726, the town voted to lease the 
trees on Lawrence's plain, after Luke Smith's time was out. 

Large quantities of turpentine and tar, from Hampshire 
county and Connecticut, were shipped at Hartford for Boston.t 

said many old trees had been blown down ages before, and had all perished 
except the knots where the bouc^h was joined to the tree, and some of the body 
towards the root which was full of turpentine. The fires of the Indians that 
burnt up the dry and rotten parts of the old trees, only scorched the knots and 
wood full of resinous matter. Tar had been made in Massachusetts, Plymouth 
and Connecticut. Pitch was made of tar by boiling. 

•In 1723, Timothy Dwight of Northampton, and Ebenezer Marsh of Hadley, 
were appointed bv the General Court to lot out the pine trees on the province 
lands in Hampsliire. Dwight leased trees near Hadley, which he believed to be 
on province land, for 63 pounds. He reported that Hadley claimed the trees, and 
violently opposed the gathering of turpentine there by others. The General 
Court did not yield, and Hadley doubtless gave up the contest. It is supposed 
that most of the trees in dispute were near the south-east comer of Hadley, on 
land that was granted to the south precinct in 1727, and named the Crank. 

Sixty years ago, many pines that had been boxed were alive, and some were 
tall, yellow pines. 

t The turpentine was distilled in Boston, and Doct. Douglass savs 112 pounds 
yielded about three gallons of oil, (spirits of turpentine,) and the residue was 
rosin. In 1750, when Douglass wrote, the business of making tar, and gathering 
turpentine, was nearly at an end in New England. 


Much more turpentine than tar was sent from these upper 
towns. Joseph Parsons sent down from Hampshire above 
500 barrels of turpentine, from 1696 to 1706, and much was 
sent from Hadley by Samuel Porter and others. Many of the 
turpentine barrels contained about 300 pounds. The price 
here for a few years after 1708, was 68. 6d. to 6s. per 112 
pounds, and in Boston about two shillings more. As province 
bills depreciated, the nominal price was higher. Tar was not 
worth as much as turpentine. The premium granted by 
England in 1703 and after, to those who imported tar and 
turpentine from America, seems not to have affected the price 
upon Connecticut River. 

Candle wood was so named because it was a substitute for 
candles.* It was first used in this country for light by the 
Indians. A writer in 1624 said the pieces of resinous pine, 
used for candles, smeared one badly. Higginson in 1629 
commended them for giving a clear light. Wood in 1634 
disliked the candlewood because it was sluttish, dropping a 
pitchy substance. Gov. Winthrop, in his communication to 
the Royal Society, in 1662, said the pine knots and resinous 
wood were split into shivers, and burnt instead of candles, 
giving a good light, and were much used in New England, 
Virginia and among the Dutch; to avoid the smoke, the 
candlewood was usually burnt in the corner, upon a flat stone 
or iron, except sometimes a stick was taken in the hand to go 
about the house. 

This torch-wood was used by farmers and others in many 
towns of Massachusetts from 100 to 140 years after Winthrop's 
description. Farmers generally had tallow candles, but they 
were used sparingly, and oil was not burnt in the interior 
towns. The candlewood was used also for kindling fires, 
when few people had wood-houses and dry wood. That 
families might be well supplied with candlewood, tar-burners 
for many years were restricted, and not allowed to collect 
candlewood every where. It appears from the account books 
of Deac. Ebenezer Hunt of Northampton, that he bought a 
cart-load of candlewood every year from 1739 to 1776.t 
Many others on both sides of the river had a load yearly4 

* Pine lights were not peculiar to America. They were used by the ancients. 
Were used by the Germans IU)0 years ago. Our missionaries in Asia Minor 
report that a pine torch is a common evening light of the Armenians. Laniar- 
tine, in his Genevieve, notices the use of pine knots and pine splinters for light, 
in France. 

tThe price of candlewood was always much higher than that of walnut wood. 
In 1750, it was Gs. 8d. per load ; in 1776, from 10 to 12 shillings. 

tThat eccentric man. Grindall Rawson, the first minister of Ware, was fond of 
jokes and sarcasms, even in the pulpit. In a sermon from Matt. 5 : 15 — ** neither 


Some men belonging to Northanapton, Hadley and Granby, 
bom between 1780 and 1790, affirm that when they were 
young, many farmers got a quantity of candlewood from the 

fnne plains every year, both knots and pieces of fat wood, for 
ights and kindlers. They were burnt in the fire-places ; 
some splinters were used for candles, to go into the cellar for 
cider, apples, &c.* 

Scarcity of Timber is noticed on pages 107 and 290, from 
records. Tradition corresponds with records. The fathers of 
elderly men now living, represented that small trees or stad- 
dles were plenty in Hadley, 80 or 90 years ago, having grown 
after the fires ceased, but larger trees fit for frames of build- 
ings and for fences, and white pinest for boards, were defi- 
cient, and timber and boards were sometimes brought several 
miles. Oak-sills had been conveyed from Belchertown. Large 
yellow pinesj were more plenty, and many rooms in those 
days were lined with yellow pine boards, and some of these 
rooms remain. Much yellow pine was used in frames. There 
were some large chestnut trees on the mountain,^ but chest- 
nuts for rails have since been more abundant. Aged men say 
that large and middling trees were more plenty in many 
places of the Inner Commons, 25 years ago than 70 years ago. 
White pines had increased on both sides of Holyoke. 

Floating timber down Connecticut River, did not commence 
apparently, till after peace with the Indians in 1726. The 
first notice that is found, states that several persons assembled 
on the bank of the river, Aug. 31, 1732, to see 25 masts float 
down Enfield falls, and that one mast struck a rock, was 
turned from its course, and killed a boy of Windsor.y 

do men li^ht a candle and put it under a bushel," he told the people that they 
would understand the text better, if the word pine-torch was substituted for 
candle—" neither do men light a pine-torch, and put it under a bushel." Yet 
Ware was not different from many other towns in respect to candles and torch- 

•George Bliss, in his Sketches of the History of Springfield, in iy28, savs of 
the candlewood : " Till within 50 years, it was the custom of the people, to have 

fathered, every fall, for family use, a quantity of pine knots and nearts of trees. 
. prudent farmer would almost as soon enter upon the winter without hay, as 
without pine." 

t There was a scarcity of large white pines in other towns. When a court 
house was built in Northampton in 1767, the pine boards, common and clear, 
were mostly brought from Bernardston and Deerfield. When Deac. Ebenezer 
Hunt of Northampton, built his house in 1772, which is now near the Edwards 
Church, his pine boards were brought from Bernardston and Montague. 

tThe tall, yellow pine is only a variety of the pitch pine, according to bot- 
anists. The Norway or red pine is not found on Mount Holyoke, though many 
are on Mount Tom. 

^ Some men bom before 1750, used to say that they could remember when a 
deer or other object, could be seen forty rods, on the side of Holyoke. 

■ Boston Weekly Journal, Sept 1732. 


A company had been formed in 1732 or before, of several 
men in Connecticut, and four belonging to Suffield, Westfield 
and Deerfield in Hampshire, for the purpose of cutting and 
floating down the river, white pine logs, suitable for masts, 
booms, yards and bowsprits, for the British navy, having made 
an agreement with the king's contractor at Boston. In Octo- 
ber, 1733, they said in a petition that they had floated down 
and got to New London, one ship load of timber, and had 
then " in the woods, near seventy miles above Fort Dummer, 
a considerable number of men cutting and preparing another 
ship load," and had expended 1200 pounds.* The company 
continued the business in 1734 and 1736. Two logs that 
lodged upon the river bank in Saybrook were three feet in 
diameter at the large end and 80 feet in length, and were 
valued at 16^ pounds each. 

English laws prohibited the cutting of pine trees fit for 
masts, 24 inches or more in diameter, 12 inches from the 
ground, and not private property, in the colonies north of 
Pennsylvania. Such trees were reserved for masts, in the 
charter of Massachusetts, 1691. The pine-tree laws were 
offensive to the people and produced tumults in other parts of 
New England, long before saw-logs were floated down the 

It is not known when men began to send logs for boards 
down the Connecticut. After the conquest of Canada, and 
the settlement of towns far up the river, great numbers of 
logs were floated down in freshets, and many lodged on inter- 
vals and lowlands, in various towns. Bemiing Wentworth of 
New Hampshire, the Surveyor General of the King's Woods, 
had agents upon Connecticut River, and in April, 1763, 960 
logs and 14 masts were seized in several towns above North- 
field, 266 logs at Northfield, and 140 at Northampton. In 
May and June, 1763, more logs were seized, viz.. 

At Hatfield, 21 logs, in diameter from 15 to 30 inches. 

At Northampton, 21 ** " 16 to 24 " 

At Hadley, 45 " *' 15 to 36 " 

At Northampton & ^ oofi » .. 14 tn V. *» 

South Hadley,t J '^'^ ^^ *° '^ 

At Springfield, 185 " " 12 to 30 " 

In July and September, 1763, 6389 logs were seized in 
Maine, New Hampshire, and in Massachusetts towns on the 

* Connecticut Archives. 

tBianjr logs lodo^ not far from the mouth of Stony brook in South Hadlej, 
and some on Northampton interval, opposite South Hadlej. 


In December, 1764, 733 logs were seized in Hampshire, 
between School meadows in Hadley and Connecticut. 27 
were in Hadley, from 19 to 34 inches in diameter, and 143 in 
South Hadley, from 12 to 44 inches in diameter. 

Benning Wentworth alledged, after every seizure in Hamp- 
shire, that the tfees grew in New Hampshire (which then 
included Vermont,) and not in any township. All interested 
were to appear at the vice-admiralty court in Boston, and 
show cause why the logs should not be forfeited; How many 
were forfeited, is= not known,* 

Eleazar Burt and Elijah Lyman of Northampton were 
appointed by Wentworth, Assistants to seize and mark pine 
timber. They engaged in this unpopular business, and marked 
363 trees and logs in Northampton, but all were soon taken 
from them except 37. They applied to Samuel Mather, Esq. 
of Northampton, a magistrate, to aid them but he refused. 
They then applied to Israel Williams, Esq. of Hatfield, and 
he would not give them a warrant to press men. They next 
wrote to the governor, April 24, 1764. The result is 

In an interleaved almanac of Josiah Pierce of Hadley, is 
noticed, Oct. 26, 1766, — "A mob in Hadley on account of 
logs." No particulars are given. Probably men from up the 
river with sonje Hadley people, took logs from Wentworth's 
agents, as at Northampton. 

After the Revolution, pine trees were cut and sent to 
market without restriction. Before 1783, and for more than 
30 years after, pine timber in abundance came down Con- 
necticut River, and when there was a heavy freshet, a great 
number of logs and trees stopped on the intervals and flats of 
Hampshire ; the logs w^e long, and some of the trees were 
above 80 feet in length. Great stories are told of the logs 
and trees left on the meadows of Nprthamptpn and Hadley, 
by high floods, especially by the Jefferson flood, so called, of 
1801. It is said that a man could then walk 100 rods on logs 
in Northampton meadow ; in some places, they were heaped 
up one above another, and there were some extraordinary 

Eiles on Fort meadow in Hadley. When the freshet was not 
igh, the river was sometimes so full of logs between North- 
ampton and Hadley, that it seemed as if one could walk on 
logs across the stream. Some of those on the meadows were 
drawn to the river in the spring, and others in the fall. The 
owners of the land were entitled to compensation for the 
damage received, from the owners of the timber. Some of 

* Boston Post Boy, 1763 and 1764. t Massachusetts Archiyes. 


806 mfTOlT OP HABUBT. 

the logs were sold to owners of saw-mills ; and some to men 
about to build houses, who bought a few logs for clear boards 
and for shingles ; such excellent pine did not grow in these 
towns. All my informants say that there were some men 
who stole logs, and others who ingeniously obliterated marks ; 
if a log had not been marked, the log-men could not claim 
it. The greater part of the timber reached Hartford and 
other places in Connecticut. 

A few Rafts of Boards were conveyed down Connecticut 
Biver, from the upper settlements, before 1755 ; there were 
not many until an;er the peace of 1763. Such rafts were 
safely guided down the &lls or rapids of Willemanset and 
Enfield,* but all sawed lumber and shingles were carted by 
the &lls at South Hadley, and Montague. The first notice of 
this business in Hampshire, is a petition to the Court of 
Sessions in February, 1754, for a road by the falls at South 
Hadley, for transporting lumber. South Hadley successftilly 
opposed the laying of the road at that time. In March, 1755, 
they voted that Elijah Alvord might make an agreement with 
several persons, to cross their lands with lumber, in the Falls 
Field and Taylor's Field. After the close of the French war, 
there was another petition to the Court for a road by the 
falls, and in April, 1765, a road was laid from the head of the 
falls, ^near the head of the subsequent canal,) to a landing 

?lace below the foot of the falls, about two and a half miles, 
'he landing was 25 rods on the river and 10 rods wide. This 
new road was named the ** Lumber Boad."t Some rafts and 
boats stopped at the mouth of Stony brook, and boards, 

{produce and other things were carted thence, some to the 
anding at the foot of the falls, and some to the landing below 
Willemanset rapids. Much merchandize was carried up by 
the falls to Stony brook, from this lower landing ; and some 

*John Fynchon sent small rafts of boards, sawed at his saw-mills, down 
Enfield fSoUs to Hartford and other places, before and after 1683. 

t When this lumber road was laid in 1765, there was no house near the river or 
fklls. On Taylor's field, as the old Pynchon erant, bought by the Taylors, was 
sometimes called, lived Joseph Taylor, aeea 67, and his sons William and 
Joseph ; and Samuel Taylor, aged w, and his sons Elisha and Samuel. On the 
eastern part of the field dwelt Titus Pomerov firom Northampton, and there may 
have been another family. Pomeroy was the first innkeeper in 1767 ; after his 
death, his widow kept an inn many years. William Taylor was a retailer in 
1771. Daniel Lrfimb began to keep an inn in 1782. There were two saw-miUa 
in 1771, and a third one in Falls field, near the lumber road. After 1765, the 
transportation of lumber, and the taking to pieces and putting together of rafta, 
made some stir about the £alls, and the quietness noticea on page 194, was inter- 
rupted about forty years after 1726. The number of fiamilies seems not to have 
increased much for 25 years after 1765. 

mgrOBT OV HADLET. 807 

which had been forced up the rapidB, was taken at the foot of 
the falls .• 

The farmers of Falls Woods changed their employment in 
part, and were the carriers of lumber and goods by the falls 
for more than thirty years, or imtil the canal could be used ; 
and at times many years later, when the canal or dam was 
not in order. They could not cart lumber and cultivate their 
farms, and their lands and fences had a neglected appearance. 
Sometimes farmens from other parts of the town were trans- 
porters of lumber. Occasionally, large quantities of boards 
were conveyed by the falls and rapids on the west side of the 

In August, 1770, the first Elias Lyman was licensed to 
keep a ferry between Northampton and South Hadley, not far 
from his inn, where Smith's ferry now is. No one had been 
lieensed before, though people had long crossed the river in 
boats, at this place. The river at the ferry was said in 1770, 
to be 45 rods wide. It is now above 50 rods wide.t 

After Hadley had induced the county court to alter the . 
Mad to Springfield, and lay it not far from Connecticut River, 
in 1673, (pages 44 and 102) the people of Hadley obtained 
firom some land-owner, a landing place on the river and a way 
to it, not far north of Chickopee River. Boats came up to 
"this place, and the Hadley teams went down to it. About 
the same time, Northampton and Hatfield established a land- 
ing on the west side oi the river. Both landings and the 
Toads to them, were laid out by authority in 1730. The 
Hadley landing and road were taken from John Chapin's land, 
aiul the road was south of his house. He was allowed 20 

* The moath of Stony brook, where evciy things is now so still and quiet, was 
a bnatling place, at times, more than half a centoiy. It was a harbor for rafts 
and boats, and in freshets, great numbers of logs loaged on the adjoining lands. 
Immensepiles of boards were sometimes on the south bank, and many men and 
teama. Elijah Alvord had a warehouse near the brook before 1765. He sold 
foods and kept a public house, more than a mile below. He was the first retailer 
m Falls Woods in 1754, and the first innkeeper in 1755. Noah Goodman suo- 
oeeded him as innkeeper in 1770. 

Some men relate tnat when the canal was in o^ration, and boats and rafts 
Wore daily passing through it, the rafts above, waiting their turns, were some- 
imitB 80 numerous that they lined the shore from the head of the canal to Stony 
Wook, above two miles. 

tTlie&reat this ferry in 1770 was fixed at 3^ pence for man and horse, for 
fhi^ee summer months, and 4 pence for the rest of theyear ; for a man, 2 pence 
^ the year. Qideon Alvord, who lived on the South Hadley side, was the ferry- 
man many years. He was inquisitive, and when he earned a stranger acroes 
jjA^ river, he inquired his name, whence he came and whither he was going. 
^kis habit was not peculiar to Alvord. 

It is said that formerly some females of Northampton Lower Farms, when they 
^l^^ted their friends in South Hadley, took a skiff and readily rowed themselves 
^ the river. 

308 marroBT of hidlet* 

pounds for damages. This place was used by the people of 
Hadley and others about 30 years after 1730, when a new 
landing was prepared about two miles up the river, at the 
foot of Willemanset rapids, by Job Alvord, from South Had- 
ley. In 1760 and 1761, he built a house near the county 
road and a wharf on the river, and he was licensed to keep an 
inn in 1761. His solitary house at Willemanset which is still 
standing, was two miles from inhabitants both north and 
south. In 1766, a court's committee laid out a place 6 roder 
by 18, "for landing, rafting, &c." and a road from it to the 
county road near Alvord's. There was so much business at 
this landing, that Alvord's inn did not lack customers. This 
was the Hadley landing place until the first canal was made 
in 1795, and the navigation of Willemanset rapids improved, 
and afterwards at times ; and it was used by the people of 
other towns east of the river, and by the river*meu oi New 
Hampshire and Vermont.* 

The Island in (Connecticut River, between Old Hainbow 
meadow in Northampton and Fort meadow in Hadley, was 
noticed in 1754, ana was supposed by some to belong to the 
province. It was then said to contain six or seven acres, 
" which has been gathering about 30 years, whereon the brush 
begins to grow." After, the grass began to grow, it was 
claimed by some persons in Northampton and some in Hadley, 
and one year the grass was mowed by a Brooks of Hadley, 
and the hay carried away by Nathaniel Day of Northampton.t 
A committee of the General Court, appointed November, 
1770, sold the island at public vendue, to Solomon Stoddard 
of Northampton, for 100 pounds, and he sold half to Noah 
Edwards. In 1803, it was all purchased by Levi Shepherd 
for 1200 dollars. 

* Northampton had boats and boatmen on the river, below the fells, when 
needed, for 120 yeart before the first canal of 1795. They carried freifcht between 
" Hampton Landing," in West Springfield, and Hartford and other pliu;es below. 
There was a Hadley boat on the river in 1668, and it is believed that Hadley 
boats and boatmen conveyed loading between Hadley landing and Hurtford, in 
most of the 120 years, though few notices of them are found. Boata continued 
to navigate the river half a century after 1795, until they were superseded by the 
freight-cars of the rail road. When the navi^g^ation of toe canal was interrupted » 
which happened many times, teams were a^ain necessary, and the lading ox the 
boats and the lumber of the rafts were earned by the falls. 

t Is it to be inferred from this strife, that the island was then near the middle 
of the river? Whence did the province derive its title to this new-formed island ? 
The province gave the 100 pounds to Hampshire county, to help maintain 6 or 8 
coonty bridges. 




Paper Money, of Colony Bills and Pnyrince BiUs^^End of Province Bills, 175(K- 
Old Tenor-tThe shad and sahnon fishery at Uadley and Soatii Hadley-^ 
Lampreys — Gatherings at the falls. 

Massachusetts first issued paper money, or indented bills 
of credit,* in 1690, to pay the ^xpena^s of the unfortunate 
expedition against Quebec. About 40,000 pounds, in bills 
from five shillings to five pounds, were emitted in 1690 and 
1691, and taxes were orqered for thjeir redemption. They 
were received, at the treasury for rates at 5 per cent, advance. 
They at first passed at a discount of near one-third, but when 
the amount in circulation was considerably reduced, they 
became curreiit at or near par, and were convenient for the 
people, who had very little specie. A portion of them were 
reissued almost every year; 3000 pounds were ordered into 
circulation in February, 1702, and these were the last of the 
colony bills. Not many, of these bills reached Cpnnecticut 
River. Rates and debts continued to . be generally paid in 
produce in the. river towns. 

Those bills of public credit, called province bills, were first 
ordered to be made and emitted, by the province of Massa^ 
chusetts-Bay, in November, 1702, on account of the " scarcity 
of money and the wai^it of other raedwm of commjerce." Nerw 
bills were issued, or- pld ones reissued, almost every year, 
from 1702 to 1749. The treasurer paid the expenses of the 

Srovince in these billi?, and received the same for rate^ and 
uties. Those ; brought into the treasury, if not again put 
into circulation, were counted by a committee and, burnt. 
There was generally a blaze of province bills once in a year. 
The amount pf bills sent, forth much exceeded the aggregate 
of the rates and the duties of impost and excise, and the paper 
money in circulation was almost yearly increasing. The 
inevitable consequence was a falling of the value of the bills, 
and the depreciation, at first hardly perceptible, in a few years 
became large, and continued to grow larger. The rise in the 
nominal value of labor, produce, goods and lands followed the 
reduction in the worth of the paper cOrrencv. 

In May, 1736, there was an emission of bills which were to 
be equal to coined silver at six shillings and eight pence per 
ounce. One pound in these bills denominated new tenor, 
was to be equal to three pounds in the other bills called old 

'^"Indented bills of credit'.' were oi^n is8ue4 iin England under William and 
Mary, sometinies called exchequer bills. 




tenon In November, 1741, bills called the ^* last emission, 
were first ordered, which were to be equal to silver at six 
shillings and eight pence per ounce, and one pound was made 
equal to four pounds of the old tenor.* The bills of this 
emission were sometimes named new tenor, and those issaed 
in 1736 were denominated middle tenor.t 

The neighboring colonies had bills of credit; and Rhode 
Island emitted great sums. Connecticut was more careful, 
but the depreciation of her bills did not difier much firom that 
of Massachusetts bills. 

Massachusetts expended in taking and securing Louisburg 
or Cape Breton, in 1745 and 1746, £261,700, in last emission 
or new tenor bills. Great Britain granted to Massachusetts a 
reimbursement of the charge to the amount of £183,649 
sterling, and the money arrived in Boston, Sept. 18, 1749, in 
Spanish pieces-of-eight or dollars, and some tons of copper 

The General Court of Massachusetts in 1749, passed an act 
to redeem the bills in circulation, with the money that was 
expected from England. After the 3l8t of March, 1760, the 
possessors of bills of credit were to receive silver at the rate 
of one piece-of-eight for forty-five shillings in bills of the old 
form and tenor ; and one piece-of-eight for eleven shillings 
and three pence in bills of the new form and tenor, and of the 
middle form and tenor.| Each was to take some copper. AH 
debts after March 31, 1750, payable in old tenor, were to be 
paid in silver at the rate of a dollar for 45 shillings ; and debts 
payable in middle or new tenor, at the rate of a dollar for 
lis. 3d. All bargains after that date, were to be understood 
as in silver at 6s. 8d. per ounce, or in Spanish milled dollars 
at 6 shillings. 

* These old tenors must not be confounded with the later old tenor of H fi^ 
one, or 45 shillings to a dollar. 

tThe sum total of each kind of province bills, printedj signed and sent ont by 
Massachusetts, (not including Ota bills reissued,) from 1702 to 1749, was at. 
follows, accordiing to treasury accounts, and the papers of Col. Israel Williams :— 

Old tenor bills, so called, .... 6)6,016 

Middle tenor bills, so called, .... 57,966 
Last emission " " 602,708 

Of these, there remained in circulation or unredeemed in 1749,. after making an 
allowance for some outstanding taxes that would bring in a portion of them, 

Of old tenor bills, ..... 116,903 

Of middle tenor bills, 28,888 

Of last emission "..... 459,295 

t The holders of old tenor bills received two shillings and eight pence on a 
pound, and tiie hoMen of new tenor bills, ten shillings and eight pence. 


The bills were redeemed, and a specie currency was intro- 
duced into Massachusetts, which continued until the Revolu- 
tion, 25 years. 

Our Histories and Records in Massachusetts, relating to the 
first half of the 18th century, or from 1702 to 1760, cannot 
be well understood without some knowledge of the value of 
the province bills. They were for a few years, or from 1702 
to 1707, esteemed equal or nearly ^qual to proclamation 
money or to dollars at six shillings, or to Troy ounces of 
silver at six shillings and eight pence or seven shillings. 
Before 1710, an ounce of silver was worth from 78. 6d. to 8s. 
in bills. The following table shows what amount of old 
tenor bills was equivalent to a Troy ounce of silver, in differ- 
ent years, from 1710 to 1749.* 

1710 — 1712, bills were 6 shillings for an onnce of silver. 



88. 6d. to 98. 



1716 and 1717, 


9s. 3d. to 10s. 





lis. to 12s. 



1721 and 1722, 


13s. to 14s. 



1723 and 1724, 


15s. to 16s. 






16s. to 17s. 





17s. to 18s. 



1729 and 1730, 


198. to 22s. 



1731 and 1732, 








2l8. to 238. 





248. to 27s. 





28s. to 308. 





32s. to 37s. 





38s. to 40s. 








lUQ and 1749, 


53s. 4d. to 608. 



The bills had fallen to one-half their nominal value in 1722 ; 
to one-third in 1732 ; to one-fourth in 1737, and to one-sixth 
in 1746. In 1747, they were estimated at seven and a half 
for one in silver, and they were redeemed at that rate in 1750. 
They sunk still lower between 1747 and 1750. Old tenor 
bills were, however, but a small part of the paper money in 
curculation after 1744. Most of the money from England was 
paid to redeem middle and new tenor bills, at ten shillings 
and eight pence for a pound. 

The pnce of wheat in this vicinity for some years after 
1702 was from 23. 8d. to 3s. per bushel. It rose as the bills 
depreciated until it was 27 or 28 shillings per bushel, and 

*I have four of these old estimates or scales of depreciition. That in Felt's 
Massachusetts Correncj is the most complete. No one of them can he deemed 
strictlj accurate. They all profess to give the value of an ounce of silver in bills. 

The tables of depreciation were calculated for Boston. In the country, or in 
Hampshire, the fall in the value of the province bills ^as slower, and often from 
15 to 25 per cent, less than in the tables, and the rise in produce and labor 


sometimes 30 shillings, before 1750. After 1760, the price in 
specie currency, was from 3s. 6d. to 4s. The prices of oth^r 
kinds of property and of labor experienced similar changes. 

Besides the bills of credit issued to pay public charges, the 
province made four loans of bills, amounting to 260,000 
pounds. 1st. By an act of 1714, £50,000 were put into the 
hands of trustees to be let out, hOu good security at five per 
cent. 2d. In 1716, jf 100,000 were received by county trus- 
tees, to be let out at five per cent, for ten years. The pro- 
portion of Hampshire was ^4947, and this was lent to many 
men in the county, who mortgaged their lands for security. 
3d. In 1721, i£ 50,000 were received by tiie towns, and loaned 
by town trustees, payable before June, 1730. The share of 
Northampton was ,£486.15.0; Hadley, jE 286.15.0; Hatfield, 
^233.15.0. Hadley chose Westwood Cooke, Experience Por- 
ter and John Nash, trustees to let out the money. The town 
had the interest. 4th. In 1728, ,£60,000 were loaned by 
trustees of towns for ten years. The towns had two per cent, 
of the interest, and the province four per cent. Northampton 
received ^488.10.0 ; Hadley, ^£290.10.0 ; Hatfield, £238.10.0. 
The Hadley trustees were Eleazar Porter, Luke Smith and 
Job Marsh. These four loans seem to have been all paid. 

Many were injured by the falling of the paper money; 
debtors and some others were benefited. Some ministers 
suffered from the depreciated paper ; this did not often take 
place where harmony and good will existed between the minis- 
ter and people. In Hadley, Hatfield, South Hadley and Amherst, 
there was no difliculty between the minister and people on 
account of province bills. The people of Northampton, in 
the midst of their Warm controversy with Rev. Jonathan 
Edwards, paid him 750 pounds, in old tenor, for a year's 
salary, which was equal to any salary he had received from 
them. In thes6 towns, the rise in salaries did not keep up 
with the depreciation of bills in Boston, but it appears tb 
have been equal to the rise in produce and labor. 

Old Tenor. — ^It is a little remarkable that the old tenor 
currency of 45 shillings for a dollar, or seven shillings and 
sixpence for one lawtul shilling, should have continued in 
business transactions and book accounts, so long after 1750, 
when dollars at six shillings were the legal currency. Very 
many farmers and not a few traders and professional men kept 
their accounts in old tenor, from 10 to more than 20 years 
after 1750. Dr. Crouch of Hadley, kept his account book in 
old tenor, until his^eath in 1761. 

Interest in Massachusetts was 8 per cent, until 1693, when 
it was reduced to 6 percent. In England, interest was reduced 
from 10 to 8 per cent, in 1623, and to 6 per cent, in 1660. 


Many towns kept accounts in old tenor, some years afler 
1760,* The taxes of the town and old precinct of Hadley, 
were in old tenor down to 1759, but Josiah Pierce, the treas- 
urer, kept his accounts in lawful currency. He thus entered 
the taxes of the precinct : — 

Rate, Feb. 1754, £1555.0.10 old tenor; in lawful, £207.0.9 
" Feb. 1756, 1021.9.10 " " 136.4.0 

" Feb. 1758, 633.11.9 " •* 84.9.6 

Mechanics' books were in old tenor. The account book of 
Eliakim Smith, of Hadley, a joiner and cabinet maker, from 
1757 to 1770, is extant, and is in cumbrous old tenor, 46 shil- 
lings to a dollar. 

The Shad and Salmon Fishery. 

When the English established themselves on the banks of 
the Connecticut, there was in the river and tributary streams, 
in the proper seasons, a great abundance of shad, salmon, 
bass ana other fish, such as the Indians had long used for food. 
The shad, which were very numerous, were despised and 
neglected by a large portion of the English, for near 100 
years in the old towns of Connecticut,! and for about 75 years 
m these Hampshire towns above the falls. It was discredit- 
able for those who had a competency to eat shad ; and it was 
disreputable to be destitute of salt pork, and the eating of 
shad implied a deficiency of pork. The story which has been 
lianded down, that in former days, the fisliermeu took the 
salmon from the net, and often restored the shad to the stream, 
"is not a fable. Poor. families ate shad, and doubtless some 
'that were not poor, and they were sometimes put in barrels 

•The people of Boston comjilained of great taxes in 1758. The five bighcst 
'ftaxes in Bonton that year were — Charles Apthorp, £ 540.13.1 ; Thomas Hancock, 
JC418.19.10; F.Borland, £329.11.10; James Smith. £312.19.10; Thomas 
^i^ne, £301.8.10. These taxes must have been in old tenor. 

The paragraph about interest on the laj$t page is misplaced. Legal interest in 
^ogland was reduced to 5 per cent, in 1713. 

It may be well to remarK that the sum of province bills issued by Massachu- 
*^tt<, on page 310, does not include those of the four loans, on page 312, amount- 
■«R to 260,000 pounds. 

t Field's Account of the County of Middlesex, Conn., 1819, (Middletown, Had- 
^•*n, dtc.) siys there was such a pnyudlce against shad and some other fish, 
jJ^^Uiuse they were so generally used by the Indians, or from some other cause, 
****^t " little effort was made to take them for more than a century after the 
J'^^nty was settled. Within the memory of persons living, there was very little 
^^^and for salmon, and as for shad, it was disreputable to eat them." 

-A story is told in Hadley of a family in that place, wli© were about to dine on 
*^**df when it was not reputable to eat them : — iiearing a knock at the door, the 
P*%tter of shad was immediately hid under a bed. 

T^re is a minute in John tynchon's account book, which shows that shad 

J — w not slighted by all who were in good circumstances, in the 17th centuiy. 
^ 1683, be sold a fish-net and agreed to receive for pay some shad packed for 
^*^>ket, and " 50 shad for my family spending at times." 


314 HI8T0BT or HADLBT. 

for exportation. Connecticut shad in barrels were advertiBed 
in Boston in 1736. 

The first purchase of shad, found in any account book in 
these towns, was made by Joseph Hawley of Northampton in 
1733 ; he gave for 30 shad one penny each, which was not 
equal to half a penny in good money. Ebenezer Hunt gave 
1^ penny for shad in 1736, 2 pence for " good fat shad" in 
1737, and 2 and 3 pence in 1742 and 1743.* These prices 
were all less than a penny in lawful money. The early set- 
tlers of Pelham bought many shad. After the specie cur- 
rency in 1750, shad were usually one penny each. Josiah 
Pierce of Hadley bought 100 shaa at a penny each in 1762, 
90 shad at a penny in 1763, and shad at a penny in 1764, '65 
and '66. Oliver Smith of Hadley gave a penny each for 30 
shad in 1767. For forty years after 1733, the price did not 
exceed a lawful penny. From 1773 to 1776, the price was 
2 coppers each or IJ penny ; firom 1781 to 1784, from 2 to 3 
coppers ; in 1788, 2^ and 3 pence ; in 1796, 3 J and 4 pence ; 
and in 1798 and 1800, 4 pence half penny. The dams across 
the river and other impediments diminished the number of 
shad, and they gradually advanced in Value to 6 pence, 
9 pence, one shilling and higher prices, and men ceased to 
buy shad to barrel for family use.t 

Salmon were used but were seldom noticed in records in 
the 17th century. Salmon nets began to appear before 1700, 
and some salmon were salted in casks by families, before and 
after 1700. They were seldom sold, and the price in Hart- 
ford in 1700, was less than one penny per pound. Fish were 
so plenty in the Connecticut and its branches, that laws were 
not necessary to regulate fishing for a long time. There was 
a law in Massachusetts against erecting wears or fish-dams in 
rivers, without permission from the court of sessions. Peti- 
tions for liberty to erect wears to catch fish, in the Hamp- 
shire streams, began in 1729, and there were several after 
1760. These wears were chiefly for the purpose of catching 
salmon. In Northampton, salmon were sold from 1730 to 

* Ebenezer Hunt bought bass, suckersi pickerels and common eels. No trout 
are mentioned. He says of shad in 1743, " shad are very good, whether one has 
pork or not." 

t Shad-eating became reputable thirty years before the Revolution. Shad were 
caught plentifully in many places in Connecticut before J760, and were sold at 
one penny and one and a half penny each, some years later. They were carried 
away on horses. Some thousands of barrels of shad were put up in Connecticut 
for the troops from 1778 to 1781. 

Shad never ascended Bellows Falls at Walpole, nor could they ascend the falls 
of Chickopco River. Salmon passed up both. In 17lt9, Brookfield petitioned 
the General Court for liberty to make a passage for shad through the bars of 
rocks across Chickopec River in Springfield, so that they might come up the 
river into their ponds. Springfield opposed, and liberty was not granted. 


1740 at a price equal to one penny per pound, in lawful 
money, and some at 1^ penny. The price in 1742 was 1^ 
penny ; and from 1750 to 1775, it was commonly 2 pence per 
poand. — Josiah Pierce of Hadley bought salmon from 1762 to 
1765 at 2 pence, and some at Is. 6a. old tenor, or 21 pence. 
Hei bought some years above 70 pounds of salmon. Oliver 
Smith bought 27 pounds of salmon in 1773 at 2 pence, and 
Elnos Smith 57 pounds in 1776, at 2i pence. The price was 
from 2 to 3 pence from 1781 to 1787, 4 pence in 1794, and it 
advanced to 7 or 8 pence in 1798. The first dam at South 
Eadley about 1795, impeded the salmon, and the dam at 
liontague was a much greater obstruction, and salmon soon 
oeaaed to ascend the river. Few were caught after 1800. — 
Some of the prices of shad and salmon noted, were retail, 
barter prices. 

Fishmg Places. — ^There were at least three in Hadley. 
One was below the mouth of Mill River, on Forty Acre 
meadow. A more important one was a little east of the 
lower end of the street, when the river flowed near the street. 
There was another in Hockanum meadow. Opposite to the 
two last, Northampton men had fishing places.* The late 
Elihu Warner remembered when 40 salmon were caught in a 
day, near the lower end of the street, about 1773, the largest 
of which weighed between 30 and 40 pounds.t 

In South Hadley, there was a noted fishing place near the 
mouth of Stony brook, and another above Bachelor's brook, 
against Cook's hill. Many salmon were taken at those places ; 
24 are said to have been caught at one haul, near Stony 
brook, weighing from 6 or 8 to 40 pounds.| There were 
other fishing places in South Hadley above the falls. 

The falls of rivers were great fishing places in New Eng- 
land, for the Indians and the English. The falls at South 
Hadley, called Patucket by the Indians, were one of the most 
bvorable places on the Connecticut for taking fish. Though 

'The Northampton and Hadley men were often near each other, and they 
bantered and joked abundantly, and sometimes played tricks and encroaches! 
ipon each other. These thinf^ proceeded not from il(»nature, but from a propen- 
aty for fun and sport. — ^In those days there were many coarse jokes, and some 
uuvh tricks. 

tHr. Pierce and 6 others owned a seine in Hadley in 1766. The whole income 
f the seine for the fish season was £ 22.17.0, and the expenses were £ 14.12.10, 
eaving for gain £ 8.4.2. Shad were then one penny eacn. 

X The brown, gambrel-roofed house of one story, easterly of the mouth of Stony 
ffook, owned by Emerson Bates, was first built by John Smith, father of Minor 
fohn Smith of Hadley, about a hundred years since. It was enlarged by Jonn 
Ituskney, and after 1773, ho kept an inn a number of years in this solitary 
loose on the plain. It is said that he was induced to do this, because his house 
nm thronged by people who came to the fiabing places. Some of the lumber- 
Ben on the river Tiaited hia inn. 


there is no intimation in any old writing, that the Indians 
resorted to that place for fishing, and very little is found 
recorded which indicates that the English frequented it for 
that purpose before 1740, yet it cannot be doubted that the 
Indians caught fish there in early days, and the English 
before 1700.* 

The following account of the fishery at the falls, after the 
Revolution, was derived from two aged men, in 1848, Joseph 
Ely in his 92d year, and Justin Alvord in his 86th year, who 
had often caught fish at the falls, and from others since 1848. 

Fishing generally began between April 16 and May 1, very 
seldom as early as April 16. The best fishing season was in 
May. Shad were caught in seines below the falls, and in 
scoop-nets on the falls. Boats were drawn to places on the 
rocky falls, fastened, and filled with shad by scoop-nets ; then 
taken ashore, emptied and returned. A man in this manner 
could take from 2000 to 3000 shad in a day, and sometimes 
more, with the aid of a boatman. These movements required 
men of some dexterity. There were some large hauls of fish 
at the wharves below the falls. The greatest haul known 
was 3600, according to Ely, and 3300,t according to Alvord. 
It was not often that 1600, or even 1200 shad were taken by 
one sweep of the uet4 Salmon were taken on the falls in 
dip-nets, and below in seines with shad. Before their day, 
salmon had been taken at the foot of the falls in places called 
pens. Ely had never known a salmon taken at the falls that 
weighed above 30 pounds ; some weighed 20, and many from 
6 to 10 pounds. They were always few in number compared 
with shad. The river seemed to be full of shad at times in 
some places, and in crossing it, the oars often struck shad. 
Ely and Alvord, like other old men, related that fishermen 
formerly took salmon from the net, and let the shad go into 
the river again, but not in their time ; and that people in 
former days were ashamed to have it known that they ate 
shad, owing in part to the disgrace of being without pork. 
Alvord sold thousands of shad after the Revolution for three 
coppers each, and salmon were sold from two to three pence 
per pound. It was much more difficult to sell salmon than shad. 

*In 1685, when Northampton and Sprinprfield settled the line between them, 
west of the river, it was agreed that Northampton might catch fish at the lower 
falls, below the line. The fishery was then thought to be of some importance. 

t One man of South Hadley, gives 3000 as the largest haul. 

Connecticut archives contain an account of 3000 shad taken at a haul in the 
cove at East Haddam, before 176G. The number in these great hauls is probably 

X Morse's Geography, 5th edition, says there were as many as 14 fishing wharves 
at the foot of the falls in 1801, and tKat they sometimes cau^i^ht 1200 hsh at one 
haul ; it was reported that one company deored 4800 dollars m one season. 


Some bass were caught with hooks after shad time. Stur- 
geon were taken on the falls with spears. Lampreys, called 
lamprey-eels, had long been plenty on the falls, and many 
were taken at night by hand, by the aid of torch-lights. 
Some were eaten in a few towns in old Hampshire, but most 
were carried to Granby, Simsbury and other towns iri Con- 

Shad seasons brought to the falls, on both sides of the river, 
multitudes of people from various quarters. Some came from 
Berkshire county. All came on horses with bags to carry 
shad, except a very few who had carts. Some, intending to 
purchase two loads of shad, led a horse. For some years 
there were only two licensed inn-keepers at the falls — Daniel 
Lamb and widow Mary Pomeroy, but every house on both 
sides of the river was full of men, and